TBT Quadro 4K edition
- Thread starter Meria
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1890s the Turkana people were strongly resistant to colonial rule in Kenya till 1926 when the British forces strongly fought against Turkana resistance troops. The great diviner and commander-in-troops of Turkana rebel loolel kokoi with paramount chief Lobuin, were executed.Armed Turkana men marching to war in 1910
A Kikuyu man takes part in a purification ceremony, drinking a concoction from the nose of a sacrificed goat. It is administered by a "Mundu mugo" (magic man), and either spat or vomited out to cleanse the perpetrator of their sins. Original manuscript caption: Purification ceremony, S. Nyeri, 1936Mundu mugu standing. 1936. Supplicant drinking a concoction made from various herbs & minerals, & the undigested contents of a goats stomach, from the nose of the dead goat/sheep.
MUMA(the oath taking of 1969)
The Kenyatta oath that shook Kenya.
Founding President Mzee Jomo Kenyatta
On the morning of June 9, 1969, the Rev John Gatu, now a retired moderator of the Presbyterian Church of East Africa (PCEA), received a rather unusual call from the Ichaweri home of founding President Mzee Jomo Kenyatta.
The caller on the other end of the line informed him that the President wanted to see him but did not divulge details.
Moments later, the moderator at the time the Rev Crispus Kiongo, called Gatu on the telephone, informing him that he too had been summoned to the home in Gatundu. A day earlier, Gatu had made a powerful sermon against voter bribery in the upcoming General Election, a planned gratuity for Cabinet ministers and a host of other national matters. He was worried that he could have annoyed the President.
When the two men of the cloth arrived in Ichaweri, they found the President flanked by Mbiyu Koinange, then the Minister of State in the Office of the President.
“To our great surprise and horror, the visit had nothing to do with my sermon,” Gatu writes in his newly-published memoir, Fan Into Flame. “It was summons in disguise. We were expected to take a Gikuyu oath, which was being administered to “all Gikuyu of goodwill”, ostensibly to solidify the unity of the tribe
Orchestrated by Kenyatta’s inner circle, the ceremonies were meant to mobilise Gema communities against Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s Kenya People’s Union ahead of upcoming elections whose date was, however, yet to be set.
Stunned, the two men listened silently as Kenyatta explained that some of the oath’s repulsive requirements would be set aside because of their faith if they so wished. For instance, they would be allowed to swap blood for milk. Their requests for the full text of the oath would be denied, the President only telling them that it was secret.
There was no mistaking, however, that the message came with a veiled threat: Turning down the order would be seen as betrayal by a church that had strong roots and great influence across his Central Kenya political base.
“Of all the things and of all the places, this was the last thing we expected to come from the lips of one we had come to love so dearly, our President,” Gatu recalls. The two men then silently left, informing the President that they would communicate their decision at a later date.
The short meeting marked the beginning of a nightmare that would last several months and in which Gatu’s wife and children would be kidnapped by State agents and forced to take the oath.
In the book, Gatu for the first time reveals stunning details on the infamous mass oath ceremonies in Gatundu, including reports that scores of people were illegally detained at Kenyatta’s home in Ichaweri and forced to undergo the gross ritual.
The book paints the picture of a mobilisation process that spread turmoil in Kenyatta’s Mt Kenya bedrock with reports of extortion, kidnappings and cold-blooded killings of those who defied.
Details would emerge that those forced to take the oath were asked to vow that they would never allow the presidency to leave the ‘House of Mumbi”.
The killing of Thomas Joseph Mboya, a man whose appeal spread across communities, happened at the height of the oathing ceremonies, further widening divisions between the Kikuyu and the Luo.
Gatu reveals the genesis of the deep-rooted divisions between the two communities that are still playing out as the 2017 election approaches, this time pitting Oginga Odinga’s son CORD leader Raila Odinga and Jomo Kenyatta’s son, President Uhuru Kenyatta.
Gatu recalls that after the shooting, there was widespread suspicion that the assassination was instigated by the State, sparking bitterness and anger against Kikuyus. During Mboya’s requiem mass, a woman allegedly threw a shoe at Kenyatta.
“In addition, the President’s car was stoned. His security detail responded, resulting in many casualties and fatalities, most of them from the Luo community. This marked the beginning of a deep-rooted bitterness against the Gikuyu by the Luo community,” Gatu writes.
President Kenyatta’s succession was also at play with his bosom friends keen on ensuring that Daniel arap Moi, then the vice president, would not succeed Mzee.
Gitu writes that after consulting other church leaders, it was decided that they would not take the oath as it served no purpose in a newly independent Kenya. The churchmen promptly delivered a letter to Kenyatta explaining their position.
Then, all hell broke loose.
One day, after escorting Gatu to the airport to catch a flight to Beirut, Lebanon, his wife Rahabu and their children were waylaid by a crowd and forced to take the oath. State agents increasingly targeted PCEA clergy, leaving church leaders to conclude they were being punished for defying Kenyatta.
“Rahabu waited until I returned from Lebanon to tell me about her ordeal. Until the time she passed on, nearly 40 years later, she never spoke about the oathing incident again. She must have been totally traumatised.”
Thousands of people continued flocking Gatundu to take the oath, the State marshalling huge resources for the rather unorthodox method of rallying Central Kenya residents to Kenyatta’s side. State agents orchestrated kidnappings and torture.
Gatu recalls one disturbing case in which a Reverend Stephen Mwangi Cauri and his wife were forced to take Chai, euphemism for the oath.
“He revealed that his wife was first seized by the President’s escort police at Kiambu where she worked as a nurse. She was then taken to Kwamaiko near Kambui where he was picked just as he wound up a church function,” Gatu writes. “They were first driven to Ruiru, then to Gatundu where they were forced to take the Chai.”
The government, in the meantime, continued to deny that the ceremonies were taking place, with Koinange issuing a ministerial statement in Parliament in which he said the allegations were false.
On July 22, 1969, the PCEA clergy wrote to the President, telling him among other things that the ceremonies were isolating Kikuyus from other communities.
“Gikuyu as a tribe cannot keep from other tribes. This will result in the remaining tribes forming their block against the Kikuyu and aggravating the current harangues against the tribe,” they wrote. Still, the President would not listen.
When the ceremonies persisted, forcing women to flee their homes and children to drop from school, they wrote yet another letter in which they explained the oathing had caused serious damage to the social fabric in Central Kenya.
“There is more evidence of people being held hostage at Your Excellency’s home at Gatundu in your absence. There are many other centres where similar instances have been reported, where people have been beaten up, thrown out of buildings, naked, to suffer the cold of the night after beatings that have driven them unconscious,” they told the President in a letter dated September 15, 1969.
They told Kenyatta that children whose parents had not taken the oath had been thrown out of school, teachers seized from schools, and men of the cloth kidnapped and forced to take Chai.
“There is evidence of a number of people who have died as a result of the shock received after passing through the experience.”
Details of the full text of the oath remained scanty. However, the church established that residents were being asked to denounce family planning, a measure probably designed to increase the community’s population and vote. The community was also being urged to circumcise its daughters.
Gatu writes: “One thing was clear, there was a lot being said about defending the flag ‘against the uncircumcised’, in this case the Luo, and the solidarity of the Gikuyu tribe to combat any physical attack against them, which was being implied as imminent.”
Echoes of these sentiments eerily remain today, with Kikuyu politicians using the circumcision claim to campaign against Raila.
There was also evidence that blood played a key role in the ceremonies.
For instance, one man identified as Samuel Gathinji Mwai was kidnapped from his home together with his wife on the night of September 15, 1969. He died two days later from injuries inflicted by the oathing gang.
His wife would later tell The East African Standard: “We were told we must take the oath and defend the flag from leaving the House of Mumbi. (The man) then asked us to drink blood from a spoon...”
The church would later organise massive prayer rallies in which pastors led their congregations in denouncing the oath. Signs that the government was softening its stand came when Eliud Mathu, then the State House Comptroller, raised his hand in support of the denunciation during a prayer rally attended by about 25,000 people in Kikuyu.
On September 16, Moi issued a statement in which he asked police to probe claims of widespread brutality. Still, Kenyatta was furious, summoning the clergy to explain why they were holding rallies and tainting the government’s image.
“For Kenyatta, the rallies were a show of strength, the church versus the State” Gatu writes. The clergy, however, prepared well for the meeting and put together photos of victims of torture and other evidence.
After a long meeting in which Kenyatta was visibly furious, he appeared to soften his stand and said: “To talk openly is to love each other...” he said, much to the surprise of the gathered clergymen. “You are free to come and see me any time you feel there is need but let us not do our nation building through the press.”
The oathing period was coming to an end. It effects, however, continue to be felt today,from that the leadership was in pariah
The Kenyatta oath that shook Kenya.
Founding President Mzee Jomo Kenyatta
On the morning of June 9, 1969, the Rev John Gatu, now a retired moderator of the Presbyterian Church of East Africa (PCEA), received a rather unusual call from the Ichaweri home of founding President Mzee Jomo Kenyatta.
The caller on the other end of the line informed him that the President wanted to see him but did not divulge details.
Moments later, the moderator at the time the Rev Crispus Kiongo, called Gatu on the telephone, informing him that he too had been summoned to the home in Gatundu. A day earlier, Gatu had made a powerful sermon against voter bribery in the upcoming General Election, a planned gratuity for Cabinet ministers and a host of other national matters. He was worried that he could have annoyed the President.
When the two men of the cloth arrived in Ichaweri, they found the President flanked by Mbiyu Koinange, then the Minister of State in the Office of the President.
“To our great surprise and horror, the visit had nothing to do with my sermon,” Gatu writes in his newly-published memoir, Fan Into Flame. “It was summons in disguise. We were expected to take a Gikuyu oath, which was being administered to “all Gikuyu of goodwill”, ostensibly to solidify the unity of the tribe
Orchestrated by Kenyatta’s inner circle, the ceremonies were meant to mobilise Gema communities against Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s Kenya People’s Union ahead of upcoming elections whose date was, however, yet to be set.
Stunned, the two men listened silently as Kenyatta explained that some of the oath’s repulsive requirements would be set aside because of their faith if they so wished. For instance, they would be allowed to swap blood for milk. Their requests for the full text of the oath would be denied, the President only telling them that it was secret.
There was no mistaking, however, that the message came with a veiled threat: Turning down the order would be seen as betrayal by a church that had strong roots and great influence across his Central Kenya political base.
“Of all the things and of all the places, this was the last thing we expected to come from the lips of one we had come to love so dearly, our President,” Gatu recalls. The two men then silently left, informing the President that they would communicate their decision at a later date.
The short meeting marked the beginning of a nightmare that would last several months and in which Gatu’s wife and children would be kidnapped by State agents and forced to take the oath.
In the book, Gatu for the first time reveals stunning details on the infamous mass oath ceremonies in Gatundu, including reports that scores of people were illegally detained at Kenyatta’s home in Ichaweri and forced to undergo the gross ritual.
The book paints the picture of a mobilisation process that spread turmoil in Kenyatta’s Mt Kenya bedrock with reports of extortion, kidnappings and cold-blooded killings of those who defied.
Details would emerge that those forced to take the oath were asked to vow that they would never allow the presidency to leave the ‘House of Mumbi”.
The killing of Thomas Joseph Mboya, a man whose appeal spread across communities, happened at the height of the oathing ceremonies, further widening divisions between the Kikuyu and the Luo.
Gatu reveals the genesis of the deep-rooted divisions between the two communities that are still playing out as the 2017 election approaches, this time pitting Oginga Odinga’s son CORD leader Raila Odinga and Jomo Kenyatta’s son, President Uhuru Kenyatta.
Gatu recalls that after the shooting, there was widespread suspicion that the assassination was instigated by the State, sparking bitterness and anger against Kikuyus. During Mboya’s requiem mass, a woman allegedly threw a shoe at Kenyatta.
“In addition, the President’s car was stoned. His security detail responded, resulting in many casualties and fatalities, most of them from the Luo community. This marked the beginning of a deep-rooted bitterness against the Gikuyu by the Luo community,” Gatu writes.
President Kenyatta’s succession was also at play with his bosom friends keen on ensuring that Daniel arap Moi, then the vice president, would not succeed Mzee.
Gitu writes that after consulting other church leaders, it was decided that they would not take the oath as it served no purpose in a newly independent Kenya. The churchmen promptly delivered a letter to Kenyatta explaining their position.
Then, all hell broke loose.
One day, after escorting Gatu to the airport to catch a flight to Beirut, Lebanon, his wife Rahabu and their children were waylaid by a crowd and forced to take the oath. State agents increasingly targeted PCEA clergy, leaving church leaders to conclude they were being punished for defying Kenyatta.
“Rahabu waited until I returned from Lebanon to tell me about her ordeal. Until the time she passed on, nearly 40 years later, she never spoke about the oathing incident again. She must have been totally traumatised.”
Thousands of people continued flocking Gatundu to take the oath, the State marshalling huge resources for the rather unorthodox method of rallying Central Kenya residents to Kenyatta’s side. State agents orchestrated kidnappings and torture.
Gatu recalls one disturbing case in which a Reverend Stephen Mwangi Cauri and his wife were forced to take Chai, euphemism for the oath.
“He revealed that his wife was first seized by the President’s escort police at Kiambu where she worked as a nurse. She was then taken to Kwamaiko near Kambui where he was picked just as he wound up a church function,” Gatu writes. “They were first driven to Ruiru, then to Gatundu where they were forced to take the Chai.”
The government, in the meantime, continued to deny that the ceremonies were taking place, with Koinange issuing a ministerial statement in Parliament in which he said the allegations were false.
On July 22, 1969, the PCEA clergy wrote to the President, telling him among other things that the ceremonies were isolating Kikuyus from other communities.
“Gikuyu as a tribe cannot keep from other tribes. This will result in the remaining tribes forming their block against the Kikuyu and aggravating the current harangues against the tribe,” they wrote. Still, the President would not listen.
When the ceremonies persisted, forcing women to flee their homes and children to drop from school, they wrote yet another letter in which they explained the oathing had caused serious damage to the social fabric in Central Kenya.
“There is more evidence of people being held hostage at Your Excellency’s home at Gatundu in your absence. There are many other centres where similar instances have been reported, where people have been beaten up, thrown out of buildings, naked, to suffer the cold of the night after beatings that have driven them unconscious,” they told the President in a letter dated September 15, 1969.
They told Kenyatta that children whose parents had not taken the oath had been thrown out of school, teachers seized from schools, and men of the cloth kidnapped and forced to take Chai.
“There is evidence of a number of people who have died as a result of the shock received after passing through the experience.”
Details of the full text of the oath remained scanty. However, the church established that residents were being asked to denounce family planning, a measure probably designed to increase the community’s population and vote. The community was also being urged to circumcise its daughters.
Gatu writes: “One thing was clear, there was a lot being said about defending the flag ‘against the uncircumcised’, in this case the Luo, and the solidarity of the Gikuyu tribe to combat any physical attack against them, which was being implied as imminent.”
Echoes of these sentiments eerily remain today, with Kikuyu politicians using the circumcision claim to campaign against Raila.
There was also evidence that blood played a key role in the ceremonies.
For instance, one man identified as Samuel Gathinji Mwai was kidnapped from his home together with his wife on the night of September 15, 1969. He died two days later from injuries inflicted by the oathing gang.
His wife would later tell The East African Standard: “We were told we must take the oath and defend the flag from leaving the House of Mumbi. (The man) then asked us to drink blood from a spoon...”
The church would later organise massive prayer rallies in which pastors led their congregations in denouncing the oath. Signs that the government was softening its stand came when Eliud Mathu, then the State House Comptroller, raised his hand in support of the denunciation during a prayer rally attended by about 25,000 people in Kikuyu.
On September 16, Moi issued a statement in which he asked police to probe claims of widespread brutality. Still, Kenyatta was furious, summoning the clergy to explain why they were holding rallies and tainting the government’s image.
“For Kenyatta, the rallies were a show of strength, the church versus the State” Gatu writes. The clergy, however, prepared well for the meeting and put together photos of victims of torture and other evidence.
After a long meeting in which Kenyatta was visibly furious, he appeared to soften his stand and said: “To talk openly is to love each other...” he said, much to the surprise of the gathered clergymen. “You are free to come and see me any time you feel there is need but let us not do our nation building through the press.”
The oathing period was coming to an end. It effects, however, continue to be felt today,from that the leadership was in pariah
KUNG'U KARUMBA
Kung'u Karumba was a Kenyan nationalist and freedom-fighter. He was a member of the Kapenguria Six, along with Bildad Kaggia, Jomo Kenyatta, Fred Kubai, Paul Ngei, and Achieng Oneko.
Kungu Karumba along with five other men, including Jomo Kenyatta, were arrested on October 20, 1952 in Kapenguria by British colonial governor, for being involved in a revolutionary group called the Mau Mau, which led a revolt against British colonial rule. Reason as to why the case was held in Kapenguria was so that the Mau Mau could not get to free the men. The area was remote at the time. He was convicted and locked up in prison for seven years with hard labor before the country's independence on December 12, 1963.
Following Kenya's independence, he remained a close friend and influential advisor to Kenyatta who had risen to Prime Minister of Kenya. Active as businessman, Karumba invested in Uganda. He loaned a substantial sum of money to the wife of Ugandan military commander Isaac Maliyamungu, but she did not pay back her debt. Karumba consequently travelled to Uganda in June 1974, and disappeared, his fate unclear. Intelligence reports later implicated Maliyamungu of murdering Karumba during a disagreement over his wife's debts.
Kung'u Karumba was a Kenyan nationalist and freedom-fighter. He was a member of the Kapenguria Six, along with Bildad Kaggia, Jomo Kenyatta, Fred Kubai, Paul Ngei, and Achieng Oneko.
Kungu Karumba along with five other men, including Jomo Kenyatta, were arrested on October 20, 1952 in Kapenguria by British colonial governor, for being involved in a revolutionary group called the Mau Mau, which led a revolt against British colonial rule. Reason as to why the case was held in Kapenguria was so that the Mau Mau could not get to free the men. The area was remote at the time. He was convicted and locked up in prison for seven years with hard labor before the country's independence on December 12, 1963.
Following Kenya's independence, he remained a close friend and influential advisor to Kenyatta who had risen to Prime Minister of Kenya. Active as businessman, Karumba invested in Uganda. He loaned a substantial sum of money to the wife of Ugandan military commander Isaac Maliyamungu, but she did not pay back her debt. Karumba consequently travelled to Uganda in June 1974, and disappeared, his fate unclear. Intelligence reports later implicated Maliyamungu of murdering Karumba during a disagreement over his wife's debts.
DOROBO
Dorobo (or Ndorobo, Wadorobo, dorobo, Torobo) is a derogatory umbrella term for several unrelated hunter-gatherer groups of Kenya and Tanzania. They comprised client groups to the Maasai and did not practice cattle pastoralism.
The term 'Dorobo' derives from the Maa expression il-tóróbò (singular ol-torróbònì) 'hunters; the ones without cattle'. Living from hunting wild animals implies being primitive, and being without cattle implies being very poor in the pastoralist Maa culture.
Classifications
In the past it has been assumed that all Dorobo were of Southern Nilotic origin; accordingly, the term Dorobo was thought to denote several closely related ethnic groups.
Groups that have been referred to as Dorobo include:
Kaplelach Okiek and Kipchornwonek Okiek (Nilotic; Rift Valley Province, Kenya)
Sengwer
Mukogodo-Maasai (the former Yaaku, sometimes Aramanik) (Yaaku language; Laikipia District, Rift Valley Province, Kenya)
Aasax (Aasa language; northern Tanzania)
Akie (sometimes Mosíro, which is an Akie clan name) (Nilotic, northern Tanzania)
Mediak (Kalenjin, northern Tanzania)
Kisankasa (Kalenjin, northern Tanzania)
Aramanik (Kalenjin, Tanzania)
Mosiro (Kalenjin, Tanzania)
Omotik
Relations with neighbours Edit
A historical survey of 17 Dorobo groups in northern Kenya found that they each maintained a close rapport with their surrounding territory through their foraging. Speaking the same language as their nomadic pastoralist neighbours, they would maintain peaceful relations with them and accepted a lower status. Occasional intermigration and intermarriage between the two groups was even possible. If the political landscape shifted and new pastoralists entered the area, then the local Dorobo would switch to the new language and build up new relations, while clinging to their territorial niche.
Dorobo (or Ndorobo, Wadorobo, dorobo, Torobo) is a derogatory umbrella term for several unrelated hunter-gatherer groups of Kenya and Tanzania. They comprised client groups to the Maasai and did not practice cattle pastoralism.
The term 'Dorobo' derives from the Maa expression il-tóróbò (singular ol-torróbònì) 'hunters; the ones without cattle'. Living from hunting wild animals implies being primitive, and being without cattle implies being very poor in the pastoralist Maa culture.
Classifications
In the past it has been assumed that all Dorobo were of Southern Nilotic origin; accordingly, the term Dorobo was thought to denote several closely related ethnic groups.
Groups that have been referred to as Dorobo include:
Kaplelach Okiek and Kipchornwonek Okiek (Nilotic; Rift Valley Province, Kenya)
Sengwer
Mukogodo-Maasai (the former Yaaku, sometimes Aramanik) (Yaaku language; Laikipia District, Rift Valley Province, Kenya)
Aasax (Aasa language; northern Tanzania)
Akie (sometimes Mosíro, which is an Akie clan name) (Nilotic, northern Tanzania)
Mediak (Kalenjin, northern Tanzania)
Kisankasa (Kalenjin, northern Tanzania)
Aramanik (Kalenjin, Tanzania)
Mosiro (Kalenjin, Tanzania)
Omotik
Relations with neighbours Edit
A historical survey of 17 Dorobo groups in northern Kenya found that they each maintained a close rapport with their surrounding territory through their foraging. Speaking the same language as their nomadic pastoralist neighbours, they would maintain peaceful relations with them and accepted a lower status. Occasional intermigration and intermarriage between the two groups was even possible. If the political landscape shifted and new pastoralists entered the area, then the local Dorobo would switch to the new language and build up new relations, while clinging to their territorial niche.
DINI YA MUSAMBWA
The Dini ya Musambwa was founded by one Elijah Masinde who rose to be a renowned prophet at Maeni village, Kimilili Sub-County, Bungoma County in Kenya during World War II. Dini ya Musambwa (DYM), proposed a return to veneration of ancestors. The founder of Dini ya Musambwa, Elijah Masinde (1910-1987), believed in one God but not in one Bible. Masinde rose both as an independent preacher and agitator against colonialism in Kenya. He urged his people to resist colonial ways and not to enlist their youths to fight the Mzungu war, Wakhongola
Both oral and documentary sources agree that, Dini ya Musambwa centered on pilgrimage to Mount Elgon, which was equated with Mount Zion (Sayoni in local speech). Here, traditional sacrifices were offered and prayers made. Masinde was notably very selective in his use of traditional religion. He emphasized that the ancestral tradition and religion in many respects resembled Christian teachings and practices. He taught his followers to pray more to Wele, the Most High God. The call and works of Elijah were very vibrant. His followers likened his call to that of Moses, Jesus and Mohammed. To some, he was a messianic figure and they followed him passionately, Were (1972)
It can therefore, be emphasized that Dini ya Musambwa rose as an alternative to the mainstream churches which had banned polygamy and female circumcision. By then, colonial oppression was at its peak. The white colonial rulers had no respect for the elders and women (Were, 1978).
Dini ya Musambwa which started in the 1940?s was vibrant and vocal right from its foundation. The Musambwa founder, Elijah Masinde Wanameme led members of the sect to fight against colonial oppression. Masinde?s message attracted a lot of following in Kenya and Uganda. He continued fighting oppression of citizens and corruption in Kenya even after independence. Because of its activities and vibrancy, he was detained several times by Kenyatta and Moi regimes in Kenya and by Milton Obote in Uganda. Several scholars have looked at the history of Elijah Masinde, the founder of Dini Ya Musambwa and his prophesies, Nandi (2007).
The rise and vibrancy of the Dini Ya Musambwa has also been looked at by scholars like Alembi (2000), Shimanyula (1998) and Wandiba (2004). However, after the demise of Elijah Masinde(1987), very little is heard about Dini ya Musambwa. The critical voice previously heard from members of the sect about oppression and corruption has also continued to drift into oblivion. This study therefore, offers a critical assessment of the rise and fall of Dini ya Musambwa.
The Dini ya Musambwa was founded by one Elijah Masinde who rose to be a renowned prophet at Maeni village, Kimilili Sub-County, Bungoma County in Kenya during World War II. Dini ya Musambwa (DYM), proposed a return to veneration of ancestors. The founder of Dini ya Musambwa, Elijah Masinde (1910-1987), believed in one God but not in one Bible. Masinde rose both as an independent preacher and agitator against colonialism in Kenya. He urged his people to resist colonial ways and not to enlist their youths to fight the Mzungu war, Wakhongola
Both oral and documentary sources agree that, Dini ya Musambwa centered on pilgrimage to Mount Elgon, which was equated with Mount Zion (Sayoni in local speech). Here, traditional sacrifices were offered and prayers made. Masinde was notably very selective in his use of traditional religion. He emphasized that the ancestral tradition and religion in many respects resembled Christian teachings and practices. He taught his followers to pray more to Wele, the Most High God. The call and works of Elijah were very vibrant. His followers likened his call to that of Moses, Jesus and Mohammed. To some, he was a messianic figure and they followed him passionately, Were (1972)
It can therefore, be emphasized that Dini ya Musambwa rose as an alternative to the mainstream churches which had banned polygamy and female circumcision. By then, colonial oppression was at its peak. The white colonial rulers had no respect for the elders and women (Were, 1978).
Dini ya Musambwa which started in the 1940?s was vibrant and vocal right from its foundation. The Musambwa founder, Elijah Masinde Wanameme led members of the sect to fight against colonial oppression. Masinde?s message attracted a lot of following in Kenya and Uganda. He continued fighting oppression of citizens and corruption in Kenya even after independence. Because of its activities and vibrancy, he was detained several times by Kenyatta and Moi regimes in Kenya and by Milton Obote in Uganda. Several scholars have looked at the history of Elijah Masinde, the founder of Dini Ya Musambwa and his prophesies, Nandi (2007).
The rise and vibrancy of the Dini Ya Musambwa has also been looked at by scholars like Alembi (2000), Shimanyula (1998) and Wandiba (2004). However, after the demise of Elijah Masinde(1987), very little is heard about Dini ya Musambwa. The critical voice previously heard from members of the sect about oppression and corruption has also continued to drift into oblivion. This study therefore, offers a critical assessment of the rise and fall of Dini ya Musambwa.
Did you know that there are five known species of this animal... Pangolin,bear Ant eater,Advark,Tree ant eater(Tamandua mexicana)and the scaly pangolin(Armadillo)...The rarerest of the is the tree ant eater we call it (Kavana)..You can live your all life without meeting these nocturnal fossils...what's the name of any in your lingua franca.
Dukawalla; Indians are one of the most enterprising people in the world and through them many Africans knew and learnt the art of buying and selling in what came to be known as Shop and shopkeeper. One of the most famous places with nostalgic set-up of dukawalla was Ngara formerly known as Nangara market street established by coolies after the railroad was done in 1900s.I miss those sweet scents,aromas, strange varieties and wares in the Ngara of the 80s
East African Breweries Limited was founded in 1922, as Kenya Breweries Limited (KBL), by two white settlers brothers, George and Charles Hurst all in this family picture taken in 1890s The company was owned by the Dodd family of Kenya.A family with a very rich history from Britain to Australia.
A BELIEF HISTORY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN KENYA
The Catholic Church may rightly be said to have made its debuts in Kenya in 1498, when Vaco da Gama erected a cross on the sea shore of Malindi. This was followed by a visit of St. Francis Xavier on his way to Goa in 1542 and, a community of 600 Kenyans at Mombasa in 1599 under the Augustinian priests.
With the arrival of the Holy Ghost Fathers 1860, the Consolata Fathers 1902 and the Mill Hill Fathers 1903, the Catholic Church reached the inland of Kenya.
The following dates are worthy noting:1860 Catholic Prefecture of Zanzibar including Kenya was established and staffed in 1863 by the Holy Ghost Fathers.
1889-1892 Holy Ghost Fathers established missions on Tana River, Bura and Mombasa
1899 Catholic Missions of St. Augustine’s and Holy Family established in Nairobi<
1902 Consolata Fathers opened a Mission in Kikuyu Land and Tuthu, Murang’a
1903 Mill Hill Fathers established a Mission in Luo Land at Kisumu
1926 Four Catholic Jurisdictions were established namely the Vicariate of Nyeri, Kisumu, Zanzibar (Nairobi) and the Prefecture of Meru
1927 First Kenyan Catholic Priests were ordained namely: Father James Camissassa and Thomas Kemango
1953 Catholic Hierarchy was established by creation of the Dioceses of Nairobi, Nyeri, Kisumu and Meru
1957 The first Kenyan became a Bishop: The Rt. Rev. Maurice Otunga who became the first Kenyan Cardinal in 1973
1961 The Kenyan Catholic Secretariat was established
1980 Pope John Paul II makes pastoral visit to Kenya
1985 Catholics in Kenya celebrated 100 years of evangelisation
1990 Three new Archdioceses were created namely: Kisumu, Mombasa and Nyeri in addition to Nairobi
1995 Pope John Paul II attends African Synod CelebrationsFrom 1970s more Dioceses were created. Today there are 26 Dioceses in Kenya including the Military and Isiolo Vicariates.
Today, there are over 1000 Kenyan priests and over 3000 religious men and women working in Kenyan parishes and institutions. There are also about 7.5 Million Catholic Faithfuls.
The Catholic Church may rightly be said to have made its debuts in Kenya in 1498, when Vaco da Gama erected a cross on the sea shore of Malindi. This was followed by a visit of St. Francis Xavier on his way to Goa in 1542 and, a community of 600 Kenyans at Mombasa in 1599 under the Augustinian priests.
With the arrival of the Holy Ghost Fathers 1860, the Consolata Fathers 1902 and the Mill Hill Fathers 1903, the Catholic Church reached the inland of Kenya.
The following dates are worthy noting:1860 Catholic Prefecture of Zanzibar including Kenya was established and staffed in 1863 by the Holy Ghost Fathers.
1889-1892 Holy Ghost Fathers established missions on Tana River, Bura and Mombasa
1899 Catholic Missions of St. Augustine’s and Holy Family established in Nairobi<
1902 Consolata Fathers opened a Mission in Kikuyu Land and Tuthu, Murang’a
1903 Mill Hill Fathers established a Mission in Luo Land at Kisumu
1926 Four Catholic Jurisdictions were established namely the Vicariate of Nyeri, Kisumu, Zanzibar (Nairobi) and the Prefecture of Meru
1927 First Kenyan Catholic Priests were ordained namely: Father James Camissassa and Thomas Kemango
1953 Catholic Hierarchy was established by creation of the Dioceses of Nairobi, Nyeri, Kisumu and Meru
1957 The first Kenyan became a Bishop: The Rt. Rev. Maurice Otunga who became the first Kenyan Cardinal in 1973
1961 The Kenyan Catholic Secretariat was established
1980 Pope John Paul II makes pastoral visit to Kenya
1985 Catholics in Kenya celebrated 100 years of evangelisation
1990 Three new Archdioceses were created namely: Kisumu, Mombasa and Nyeri in addition to Nairobi
1995 Pope John Paul II attends African Synod CelebrationsFrom 1970s more Dioceses were created. Today there are 26 Dioceses in Kenya including the Military and Isiolo Vicariates.
Today, there are over 1000 Kenyan priests and over 3000 religious men and women working in Kenyan parishes and institutions. There are also about 7.5 Million Catholic Faithfuls.
AKÜRINU (Corinthians)
The Holy Ghost Church of East Africa, known among its adherents as Akurinu, is an African sect of Christianity common in the central region of Kenya among the Agikuyu community. The sect incorporates some aspects of Christianity with those of traditional Kikuyu religious beliefs. The sect was officially registered in 1959. However, it traces its origins between the years 1926 - 1930 in Limuru, Kiambu County, Central Kenya.
The origin of the word akurinu is not clear. It is said by some to come from the Kikuyu question ‘Mukuri-ni’ which translates to ‘who is the redeemer?’ One was heard praying and mentioning Jesu "mukuri wakwa" then an unbeliever local asks mukuri nuu? And boom the name was born.Others say that it comes from the growling sounds made by early adherents to the sect when possessed by the spirit, an act described as gukurina. In his book Facing Mt. Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta states that the akurinu referred to themselves as Arooti(dreamers), people of God.
The akurinu identify Joseph Ng’ang’a as the founder of the sect. It was Ng’ang’a who ascended Mount Kenya (then known as Mount Kirinyaga) with the first four akurinu prophets - Joseph Kanini, Henry Maina, Philip Mukubwa and Lilian Njeru. It was on this ascension that the akurinu say Njeru was instructed to remove all adornments she had worn, throw them into the River Nyamindi and cover her hair.Most men of the early times didn't shave their hairs and under those turbans were locks of great hairs which was always covered.They also claim to have been instructed by God to lift their hands in the air as they pray. These two practices form an integral part of akurinu religious beliefs today.
The Holy Ghost Church of East Africa, known among its adherents as Akurinu, is an African sect of Christianity common in the central region of Kenya among the Agikuyu community. The sect incorporates some aspects of Christianity with those of traditional Kikuyu religious beliefs. The sect was officially registered in 1959. However, it traces its origins between the years 1926 - 1930 in Limuru, Kiambu County, Central Kenya.
The origin of the word akurinu is not clear. It is said by some to come from the Kikuyu question ‘Mukuri-ni’ which translates to ‘who is the redeemer?’ One was heard praying and mentioning Jesu "mukuri wakwa" then an unbeliever local asks mukuri nuu? And boom the name was born.Others say that it comes from the growling sounds made by early adherents to the sect when possessed by the spirit, an act described as gukurina. In his book Facing Mt. Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta states that the akurinu referred to themselves as Arooti(dreamers), people of God.
The akurinu identify Joseph Ng’ang’a as the founder of the sect. It was Ng’ang’a who ascended Mount Kenya (then known as Mount Kirinyaga) with the first four akurinu prophets - Joseph Kanini, Henry Maina, Philip Mukubwa and Lilian Njeru. It was on this ascension that the akurinu say Njeru was instructed to remove all adornments she had worn, throw them into the River Nyamindi and cover her hair.Most men of the early times didn't shave their hairs and under those turbans were locks of great hairs which was always covered.They also claim to have been instructed by God to lift their hands in the air as they pray. These two practices form an integral part of akurinu religious beliefs today.
YoungD
Elder Lister
hii nimekataa! 1910 walikuwa wametoa nguo wapi?? kama 2021 unaweza patana na kienyeji swafi iko uchi huko turkana, sembuse 1910??
The Shifta War (1963–1967) was a secessionist conflict in which ethnic Somalis in the Northern Frontier District (NFD) of Kenya attempted to secede from Kenya to join Somalia. The Kenyan government named the conflict "shifta", after the Somali word for "bandit", as part of a propaganda effort. The Kenyan counter-insurgency General Service Units forced civilians into "protected villages" (essentially concentration camps) as well as killing livestock kept by the pastoralist Somalis. The war ended in 1967 when Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal, Prime Minister of the Somali Republic, signed a ceasefire with Kenya at the Arusha Conference on 23 October 1967.However, the violence in Kenya deteriorated into disorganised banditry, with occasional episodes of secessionist agitation, for the next several decades. The war and violent clampdowns by the Kenyan government caused large-scale disruption to the way of life in the district, resulting in a slight shift from pastoralist and transhumant lifestyles to sedentary, urban lifestyles. Government records put the official death toll in the thousands but NGO's say more than 10,000 lives were lost.
