TBT Maombi edition
- Thread starter Meria
- Start date
Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) leaders Justus ole Tipis (Left), Ronald Ngala and Daniel arap Moi at Embakasi Airport, Nairobi, in 1961 on their return from a session of the Lancaster House talks that created the Independence Constitution. Three years later they would disband KADU and join the Kenya African National Union (KANU), the first ruling party in Kenya.
From 1963 to 1983, Stanley Shapashina ole Oloitipitip bestrode the Maasai politics like a colossus and when he fell from the national limelight and into oblivion, his political career collapsed like a house of cards – ending with a 12-month jail term.
As Minister for Local Government, Oloitipitip upgraded numerous small towns into municipal councils, a move that cash-strapped most of them.
Born in 1924 at Endoinyo Oontawua, at the foot of Mt Kilimanjaro, Oloitipitip was the third born of Naseramporro and Olong’oyana Oloitipitip and was a member of the Irmingana sub-clan of the Ilaitayiok clan, who occupy the Olgulului Ilolarashi Group Ranch with the Amboseli National Park at the heart of it.
It was both the politics of conservation and continued allocation of Maasai land to outsiders that defined his career as the Member of Parliament for Kajiado South. Oloitipitip had little formal education, going only to Standard Four at the Narok Government School, where he sat the Kenya African Preliminary Examination in 1941.
At the outbreak of the Second World War, the Kajiado region turned into a war zone as allied troops battled German Forces from Tanganyika. Oloitipitip, then 19, joined the Kings African Rifles (KAR) as a nursing orderly and joined other African soldiers who were airlifted to the war-zones of Burma, India and Ceylon. There is little information on how he performed as a soldier, only that he rose to the rank of a sergeant before he returned in 1945 to work in the colonial health department as a medical assistant in Kajiado District. He also had a clinic at Il Bissil in Kajiado.
Five years after he returned, Kenya’s politics took a different turn following the return of Kenyatta from Britain in September, 1946, with the Mau Mau uprising and the first popular political party, KAU, gathering momentum. With the uprising, the British turned to Kenyans outside the Kikuyu, Embu and Meru tribes to help crush the Mau Mau movement. Oloitipitip, though a former soldier, refused to be conscripted, and sympathised with the African demand for independence. He also convinced his clan not to join any war on the British side.
With the jailing of Kenyatta, the next stage of politics involved the future of Kenya and land became a thorny issue, the Maasai having lost millions of acres to big colonial ranches. It was their desire to negotiate for a proper post-independence deal that brought together the most learned, among them Oloitipitip, to form the Maasai United Front (MUF) to negotiate for Maasai rights. Oloitipitip, who was elected chairman, joined hands with a young Nation newspaper journalist, John Keen, as secretary-general, and Justus ole Tipis to champion for Maasai land rights. The British government had insisted on the willing-buyer willing-seller policy rather than a blanket return of the “lost” land to the communities.
As Minister for Local Government, Oloitipitip upgraded numerous small towns into municipal councils, a move that cash-strapped most of them.
Born in 1924 at Endoinyo Oontawua, at the foot of Mt Kilimanjaro, Oloitipitip was the third born of Naseramporro and Olong’oyana Oloitipitip and was a member of the Irmingana sub-clan of the Ilaitayiok clan, who occupy the Olgulului Ilolarashi Group Ranch with the Amboseli National Park at the heart of it.
It was both the politics of conservation and continued allocation of Maasai land to outsiders that defined his career as the Member of Parliament for Kajiado South. Oloitipitip had little formal education, going only to Standard Four at the Narok Government School, where he sat the Kenya African Preliminary Examination in 1941.
At the outbreak of the Second World War, the Kajiado region turned into a war zone as allied troops battled German Forces from Tanganyika. Oloitipitip, then 19, joined the Kings African Rifles (KAR) as a nursing orderly and joined other African soldiers who were airlifted to the war-zones of Burma, India and Ceylon. There is little information on how he performed as a soldier, only that he rose to the rank of a sergeant before he returned in 1945 to work in the colonial health department as a medical assistant in Kajiado District. He also had a clinic at Il Bissil in Kajiado.
Five years after he returned, Kenya’s politics took a different turn following the return of Kenyatta from Britain in September, 1946, with the Mau Mau uprising and the first popular political party, KAU, gathering momentum. With the uprising, the British turned to Kenyans outside the Kikuyu, Embu and Meru tribes to help crush the Mau Mau movement. Oloitipitip, though a former soldier, refused to be conscripted, and sympathised with the African demand for independence. He also convinced his clan not to join any war on the British side.
With the jailing of Kenyatta, the next stage of politics involved the future of Kenya and land became a thorny issue, the Maasai having lost millions of acres to big colonial ranches. It was their desire to negotiate for a proper post-independence deal that brought together the most learned, among them Oloitipitip, to form the Maasai United Front (MUF) to negotiate for Maasai rights. Oloitipitip, who was elected chairman, joined hands with a young Nation newspaper journalist, John Keen, as secretary-general, and Justus ole Tipis to champion for Maasai land rights. The British government had insisted on the willing-buyer willing-seller policy rather than a blanket return of the “lost” land to the communities.
LeoK
Elder Lister
aka condoms.
Peter Muigai Kenyatta, Mzee Kenyatta's eldest son who died in 1979. with him is another Peter Magana Kenyatta who lives in Britain.
Peter Kenyatta resembled the late Stanly Oloitiptip who was also his friend and who also died of excessive fats on his neck in early 1980s.
Peter Muigai died when a group of political thugs in Juja lifted him high up during 1979 General Elections Campaign before dropping him down in what was believed to be pure murder.
His belly bust into two upon being violently dropped and died on the spot.
A year later in 1980 one of his wives was found murdered in Githurai,Nairobi . He had some 23 children ,from 6 wives.
One of his sons is believed to be an MP in South Sudan.
Peter Kenyatta resembled the late Stanly Oloitiptip who was also his friend and who also died of excessive fats on his neck in early 1980s.
Peter Muigai died when a group of political thugs in Juja lifted him high up during 1979 General Elections Campaign before dropping him down in what was believed to be pure murder.
His belly bust into two upon being violently dropped and died on the spot.
A year later in 1980 one of his wives was found murdered in Githurai,Nairobi . He had some 23 children ,from 6 wives.
One of his sons is believed to be an MP in South Sudan.
Budspencer
Elder Lister
How can you forget the one and only John Kifuniko Motokubwa?
Hon. Robert Stanley Matano was born on 29th April 1925 at Mazeras town, 20 km from the historical town of Mombasa. At the age of 6 years, he started his education at Mazeras Primary School. He attended his Primary School education between 1930 - 1935 in Mazeras, Ribe and Kaloleni Primary schools. He later attended Methodist Mission School now Kaaga Boys Secondary School in 1939 and Alliance High School 1941.
In 1945, he enrolled at Makerere University and begun his early career as a teacher at Ribe Boys School from 1949 to and later to his old school Alliance High School, where he taught Maths and Geography.
In 1953 Robert Matano was promoted to the position of Assistant Education Officer in the Rift Valley Province town of Naivasha. Hon Robert Matano furthered his education in Britain where he joined the Technical College, Cardiff. He returned to Kenya and was posted to Kwale where he carried out the supervison and inspection of all schools and served in the District Education Boards of Kwale and Mombasa districts.
His political career started in 1961 he resigned when he was elected to the Legislative Counsil as a member for Kwale North. In 1962 he was appointed Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Education; a post he retained on formation of the coalition government in April, 1962
In 1963, he returned to the House of Representatives as KADU member for Kwale North and at the same time elected Vice-President of the then Coast Regional Assembly. On dissolution of KADU in 1964, he joined KANU and was later appointed Assistant Minister for Foreign Affairs, before moving to the Ministry of Health in May 1965. He served as Assistant Minister in the Foreign Affairs,Health, Vice-President's Office ministries in 1966-1967 and as Minister in Information & Broadcasting, Co-operative Development, Local Government, Housing & Social Serivces, Cooperative Development from 1973-1985.
In 1945, he enrolled at Makerere University and begun his early career as a teacher at Ribe Boys School from 1949 to and later to his old school Alliance High School, where he taught Maths and Geography.
In 1953 Robert Matano was promoted to the position of Assistant Education Officer in the Rift Valley Province town of Naivasha. Hon Robert Matano furthered his education in Britain where he joined the Technical College, Cardiff. He returned to Kenya and was posted to Kwale where he carried out the supervison and inspection of all schools and served in the District Education Boards of Kwale and Mombasa districts.
His political career started in 1961 he resigned when he was elected to the Legislative Counsil as a member for Kwale North. In 1962 he was appointed Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Education; a post he retained on formation of the coalition government in April, 1962
In 1963, he returned to the House of Representatives as KADU member for Kwale North and at the same time elected Vice-President of the then Coast Regional Assembly. On dissolution of KADU in 1964, he joined KANU and was later appointed Assistant Minister for Foreign Affairs, before moving to the Ministry of Health in May 1965. He served as Assistant Minister in the Foreign Affairs,Health, Vice-President's Office ministries in 1966-1967 and as Minister in Information & Broadcasting, Co-operative Development, Local Government, Housing & Social Serivces, Cooperative Development from 1973-1985.
Chief Kinyanjui was present at Fort Smith when a fight broke out between Waiyaki wa Hinga and Major Purkis.
Purkis managed to subdue Waiyaki, and hand cuffed him around the flag post with a chain around his neck as an additional safeguard.
Kinyanju was later sent to tell the Kikuyus who had fled in fear that the British regarded the affray as a personal matter and that they did not propose to fight unless provoked.
He was also asked to summon all the elders to a meeting which was to be held at the fort.
When the elders arrived the British told them that there were only two courses. Shooting or hanging Waiyaki or taking him down the coast as a prisoner.
The elders concurred with the British, urging them to do whatever they thought with Waiyaki since he was a bad man who always caused friction between them and Wazungu.They then asked the British to appoint a new chief to replace Waiyaki.
It was resolved that Kinyanjui should hold sway assisted by Mlu as the two were great friends and both much attached to Purkis.
Kinyanjui thus rose into prominence as a colonial chief.
Purkis managed to subdue Waiyaki, and hand cuffed him around the flag post with a chain around his neck as an additional safeguard.
Kinyanju was later sent to tell the Kikuyus who had fled in fear that the British regarded the affray as a personal matter and that they did not propose to fight unless provoked.
He was also asked to summon all the elders to a meeting which was to be held at the fort.
When the elders arrived the British told them that there were only two courses. Shooting or hanging Waiyaki or taking him down the coast as a prisoner.
The elders concurred with the British, urging them to do whatever they thought with Waiyaki since he was a bad man who always caused friction between them and Wazungu.They then asked the British to appoint a new chief to replace Waiyaki.
It was resolved that Kinyanjui should hold sway assisted by Mlu as the two were great friends and both much attached to Purkis.
Kinyanjui thus rose into prominence as a colonial chief.
Budspencer
Elder Lister
In my local, there were three brothers from Nyamira who were famed for this job. Walikua wanasiaga gigantic blue gum tree in days. They would first set up the 'sawmill' by digging a hole in the ground. . Meals were taken four times a day, with the last marking end of operations for the day. In between, kuna snacks(mikwaju ya miwa) and of course several litres of water. Lazima walikua wanavuta nyasore pia coz hio kazi huwezi fanya bila kua under the influnce.
justus ole tpis was a long serving kanu treasure while robert matano was the long serving secretay general to the jogoo party. one day they decided to sort out rheir differences physically and when the latter proved to be better tipis went for a rungu and within no time matano found himself in an hospital bed. both served in the infamous kanu displinary commiitee in the company of japeth lijoodi, james njiru,david okiki omayo, sharif nassir, willy kamuren and the rest.matano ended up very hopelessly when he was evicted from a government house in kileleshwa his luggage was buddled in a mombasa bound train and offloade to his native mazeras where he settled as a small scale farmer.
The 1971, coup attempt was organised in threefold . At the top were the elites such as the Chief of General staff, the Chief Justice and Cabinet ministers who were capable of directing instruments of national power.
They gave the plot their blessings but took a dormant position waiting for the opportune time.
At the bottom were commissioned military officers who were to formulate and implement the takeover strategy.
In the middle were intellectuals, trade unionists who were tasked with raising funds and seeking international support. They were mostly people who had connections with Mboya.
Among them were Gideon Mutiso who had served as Mboya's deputy in KFL, Oyangi Mbaja who had served as Mboya's propaganda Secretary in the NPCP, Dennis Akumu who had worked with Mboya in the KFL and as an organiser in the NPCP, Jesse Mwangi Gachago who had also worked as Mboya's deputy in the KFL and Dr Pius Muga.
The fact that this was happening in the aftermath of Mboya's assassination and being that the organisers were his allies and soldiers from his backyard of South Nyanza, gave the plot a "Mboya element."
Towards the end of 1970 Mutiso had written to Irving Brown an American trade unionist with strong CIA connections , informing him about the plot and requesting him for funds.
Brown who was the founding executive director of AFL-CIO's African American Labour Centre was a great friend of Mboya and had funded most of his political and trade union activities. Together with Lovestone they had been accused of aiding the CIA in the Guyana coup.
His friendship with Mboya was so much resented by the Gatundu group that when US Vice President Hubert Humphrey included him in his delegation to Kenya in 1968, the US ambassador under pressure from the Gatundu group wrote to Humphrey advising him against the idea. Humphrey ignored the advice after consulting the AFL-CIO and travelled to Kenya with Brown.
But with regards to Mutiso's 1970 letter asking for funds for the coup, he refused to reply.
Meanwhile Professor Pius Muga who was tasked with soliciting support from regional leaders approached Julius Nyerere and asked for his backing.
According to DPP Charles Karugu who prosecuted the case against the plotters, Nyerere replied:
"Not against Mzee's government. If it was Malawi I would think about it. But not Kenya, and definitely not while Mzee is still alive."
Unfortunately the plot was discovered before it could materialise. The elites were relieved of their duties without being charged, while the military officers, intellectuals, trade unionists and politicians were sentenced to between 7 and 10 years in prison.
Jesse Mwangi who survived would later be arrested and jailed under trumped up charges of smuggling coffee. When he was released Njonjo warned him to stop linking him with the murder of Mboya since that was the reason of his jailing.
Although Kenyatta downplayed the plot terming as "noise of a frog", warning shots had been fired.
They gave the plot their blessings but took a dormant position waiting for the opportune time.
At the bottom were commissioned military officers who were to formulate and implement the takeover strategy.
In the middle were intellectuals, trade unionists who were tasked with raising funds and seeking international support. They were mostly people who had connections with Mboya.
Among them were Gideon Mutiso who had served as Mboya's deputy in KFL, Oyangi Mbaja who had served as Mboya's propaganda Secretary in the NPCP, Dennis Akumu who had worked with Mboya in the KFL and as an organiser in the NPCP, Jesse Mwangi Gachago who had also worked as Mboya's deputy in the KFL and Dr Pius Muga.
The fact that this was happening in the aftermath of Mboya's assassination and being that the organisers were his allies and soldiers from his backyard of South Nyanza, gave the plot a "Mboya element."
Towards the end of 1970 Mutiso had written to Irving Brown an American trade unionist with strong CIA connections , informing him about the plot and requesting him for funds.
Brown who was the founding executive director of AFL-CIO's African American Labour Centre was a great friend of Mboya and had funded most of his political and trade union activities. Together with Lovestone they had been accused of aiding the CIA in the Guyana coup.
His friendship with Mboya was so much resented by the Gatundu group that when US Vice President Hubert Humphrey included him in his delegation to Kenya in 1968, the US ambassador under pressure from the Gatundu group wrote to Humphrey advising him against the idea. Humphrey ignored the advice after consulting the AFL-CIO and travelled to Kenya with Brown.
But with regards to Mutiso's 1970 letter asking for funds for the coup, he refused to reply.
Meanwhile Professor Pius Muga who was tasked with soliciting support from regional leaders approached Julius Nyerere and asked for his backing.
According to DPP Charles Karugu who prosecuted the case against the plotters, Nyerere replied:
"Not against Mzee's government. If it was Malawi I would think about it. But not Kenya, and definitely not while Mzee is still alive."
Unfortunately the plot was discovered before it could materialise. The elites were relieved of their duties without being charged, while the military officers, intellectuals, trade unionists and politicians were sentenced to between 7 and 10 years in prison.
Jesse Mwangi who survived would later be arrested and jailed under trumped up charges of smuggling coffee. When he was released Njonjo warned him to stop linking him with the murder of Mboya since that was the reason of his jailing.
Although Kenyatta downplayed the plot terming as "noise of a frog", warning shots had been fired.
The 1968 elections were the most shamelessly rigged in the history of Kenya . All KANU candidates for the local government elections were returned unopposed while all those who vied on Odinga's KPU were disqualified.
The decision to beat KPU candidates by administrative action was Kenyatta's and the strategy to execute it developed by Mboya.
Kenyatta who had no compunction in planning the humiliation of KPU candidates even went as far as betting with Mboya Kshs 5000 if he managed to remove KPU's Grace Onyango as the Mayor of Kisumu.
KANU machinery organised by Mboya went to great length to ensure that all nomination forms for KANU candidates were correctly filled and Kenyatta's signature appeared in full on every nomination paper.Odinga's KPU on the other hand seemed characteristically inefficient in this respect.
Other candidates were eliminated by raising the nomination fee from Kshs 500 to Kshs 1000, by bringing forward the nomination date without notice, or by making various surprise demands such as the presentation of tax reciepts.
Before the elections numerous efforts were made to frustrate the KPU. The party was denied permission to hold public meetings , eight of its leaders were in detention, and the party vice president Bildad Kaggia was serving a year's sentence for holding an unlicensed public meeting.
In Nairobi KANU won a hollow victory after the Nairobi DC Mr William Martin disqualified all the 40 KPU prospective candidates claiming they had filled in nomination papers wrongly.
The Nairobi "victory" was celebrated with a mammoth barbecue on Peter Muigai Kenyatta's farm, at which 5 bulls(KPU party symbol) each named after a KPU leader, were slaughtered and devoured with gusto.
In Kisumu all the 22 candidates including Mayor Grace Onyango were disqualified. To lock out the KPU candidates in Nairobi and Kisumu effectively , the Government replaced town clerks who were to serve as returning officers and replaced them with DCs who could take orders directly.
After the KANU so called "victory", Odinga released a statement accusing Jomo Kenyatta of wishing to become the "King of Kenyatta"
"It is now up to the world to judge whether any semblance of democracy remains in Kenya," he added.
He warned that if voters were denied their only means of changing a government then they would turn to other means of doing so.
The first time Kenyatta and Odinga met following the rigged election was at the official opening of Chemelil Sugar Company on 1st Nov, 1968.
Addressing Odinga who sat directly opposite him he said: " I am happy to see my friend Jaramogi here. We started this work to build the factory together. I taught him politics and perhaps he was decieved into leaving KANU....Unity is strength and Mr Odinga should come back to work with us."
Kenyatta then told the crowd to show the KANU sign and jokingly remarked that it was only Odinga who didnt raise his finger.
Waving his hand Odinga responded with the KPU sign, one thumb raised.
The decision to beat KPU candidates by administrative action was Kenyatta's and the strategy to execute it developed by Mboya.
Kenyatta who had no compunction in planning the humiliation of KPU candidates even went as far as betting with Mboya Kshs 5000 if he managed to remove KPU's Grace Onyango as the Mayor of Kisumu.
KANU machinery organised by Mboya went to great length to ensure that all nomination forms for KANU candidates were correctly filled and Kenyatta's signature appeared in full on every nomination paper.Odinga's KPU on the other hand seemed characteristically inefficient in this respect.
Other candidates were eliminated by raising the nomination fee from Kshs 500 to Kshs 1000, by bringing forward the nomination date without notice, or by making various surprise demands such as the presentation of tax reciepts.
Before the elections numerous efforts were made to frustrate the KPU. The party was denied permission to hold public meetings , eight of its leaders were in detention, and the party vice president Bildad Kaggia was serving a year's sentence for holding an unlicensed public meeting.
In Nairobi KANU won a hollow victory after the Nairobi DC Mr William Martin disqualified all the 40 KPU prospective candidates claiming they had filled in nomination papers wrongly.
The Nairobi "victory" was celebrated with a mammoth barbecue on Peter Muigai Kenyatta's farm, at which 5 bulls(KPU party symbol) each named after a KPU leader, were slaughtered and devoured with gusto.
In Kisumu all the 22 candidates including Mayor Grace Onyango were disqualified. To lock out the KPU candidates in Nairobi and Kisumu effectively , the Government replaced town clerks who were to serve as returning officers and replaced them with DCs who could take orders directly.
After the KANU so called "victory", Odinga released a statement accusing Jomo Kenyatta of wishing to become the "King of Kenyatta"
"It is now up to the world to judge whether any semblance of democracy remains in Kenya," he added.
He warned that if voters were denied their only means of changing a government then they would turn to other means of doing so.
The first time Kenyatta and Odinga met following the rigged election was at the official opening of Chemelil Sugar Company on 1st Nov, 1968.
Addressing Odinga who sat directly opposite him he said: " I am happy to see my friend Jaramogi here. We started this work to build the factory together. I taught him politics and perhaps he was decieved into leaving KANU....Unity is strength and Mr Odinga should come back to work with us."
Kenyatta then told the crowd to show the KANU sign and jokingly remarked that it was only Odinga who didnt raise his finger.
Waving his hand Odinga responded with the KPU sign, one thumb raised.
The proscription of KAU, in 1953, left Africans without a political channel through which they could express their views.
It was not until 1955, when Africans were allowed to form political parties although at a district level.
Even though it was claimed that the district based political were to offer Africans a platform to have their voices heard, it was actually a scheme by the Government to pursue its policy of divide and rule, by perpetuating tribalism among Africans.
The first political party to be formed was Argwing Kodhek's Kenya African National Congress (KANC)in December 1955. However the KANC was outlawed barely three days after its formation; before it could even be registered.
Reason? Because its name had 'Kenya' in it and also because of the large number of Kikuyus who were enlisting as members.
The authorities feared the possibility of the KANC blossoming into a strong nation wide movement, which was going to be difficult to control.
On Dec 24, 1955 Kodhek issued a statement condemning the ban, in which he also contended that Kikuyus should be allowed political rights and that he was determined in his efforts to establish a political party for all Africans living in Nairobi, a matter he was going to raise with the Colonial Secretary in London.
The KANC was finally registered in May 1956 after it dropped 'Kenya' from its name and became Nairobi African District Congress (NADC) with Argwings-Kodhek as its president.
In its first policy statement issued on 12th May 1956 ,Argwings-Kodhek, demanded parity in the number of Africans in the LegCo, machinery to air African grievances openly to avert underground political activities, and better conditions for growing urban African community.
In the run-up to the 1957 elections there was a major split in the NADC instigated by trade unionists allied to Tom Mboya.
Mboya himself saw the split as an opportunity to hijack the NADC from Kodhek and use it as his political vehicle in the March 1957 elections, after the two failed to agree on who between them was going to be the candidate for the Nairobi LegCo seat.
When the plan failed to work, Mboya decided to contest as a workers' candidate while Kodhek contested using his NADC.
After March 1957 elections, Mboya tried to reach an agreement with Kodhek but was rebuffed, so he then attempted to infiltrate Kodhek's NADC, with his supporters led by Arthur Ochwada in order to stage another coup.
Following the reappointment of Kodhek and his followers to the leadership of NADC on 14th April 1957, Mboya realized it was impossible to take over the party, and gave up.
On 28th April 1957, a private meeting was convened by Arthur Ochwada , during which it was agreed that a new political party should be formed. The meeting was attended by trade unionists and members of the splinter group of the NADC.
While Mboya rarely took part in the deliberations, there were strong indications that he was the dominant figure directing the activities of the ostensible organisers.
The inaugural meeting of the new party which was named ,the Nairobi People's Convention Party, was held on 12th May 1957 in the Desai Memorial Hall.
The office bearers of the new party who were unveiled by Arthur Ochwada at the meeting were: Mark Kaigwa as Chairman, Patrick Rogai Vice-Chairman, Moody Awori Secretary, William Githinji Vice Secretary, George Nthenge Treasurer, Alfred Akech Mingusa Vice-Treasurer, John Abuoga Propaganda Officer.Mboya officially joined the NPCP in March 1958, becoming its president.
It was not until 1955, when Africans were allowed to form political parties although at a district level.
Even though it was claimed that the district based political were to offer Africans a platform to have their voices heard, it was actually a scheme by the Government to pursue its policy of divide and rule, by perpetuating tribalism among Africans.
The first political party to be formed was Argwing Kodhek's Kenya African National Congress (KANC)in December 1955. However the KANC was outlawed barely three days after its formation; before it could even be registered.
Reason? Because its name had 'Kenya' in it and also because of the large number of Kikuyus who were enlisting as members.
The authorities feared the possibility of the KANC blossoming into a strong nation wide movement, which was going to be difficult to control.
On Dec 24, 1955 Kodhek issued a statement condemning the ban, in which he also contended that Kikuyus should be allowed political rights and that he was determined in his efforts to establish a political party for all Africans living in Nairobi, a matter he was going to raise with the Colonial Secretary in London.
The KANC was finally registered in May 1956 after it dropped 'Kenya' from its name and became Nairobi African District Congress (NADC) with Argwings-Kodhek as its president.
In its first policy statement issued on 12th May 1956 ,Argwings-Kodhek, demanded parity in the number of Africans in the LegCo, machinery to air African grievances openly to avert underground political activities, and better conditions for growing urban African community.
In the run-up to the 1957 elections there was a major split in the NADC instigated by trade unionists allied to Tom Mboya.
Mboya himself saw the split as an opportunity to hijack the NADC from Kodhek and use it as his political vehicle in the March 1957 elections, after the two failed to agree on who between them was going to be the candidate for the Nairobi LegCo seat.
When the plan failed to work, Mboya decided to contest as a workers' candidate while Kodhek contested using his NADC.
After March 1957 elections, Mboya tried to reach an agreement with Kodhek but was rebuffed, so he then attempted to infiltrate Kodhek's NADC, with his supporters led by Arthur Ochwada in order to stage another coup.
Following the reappointment of Kodhek and his followers to the leadership of NADC on 14th April 1957, Mboya realized it was impossible to take over the party, and gave up.
On 28th April 1957, a private meeting was convened by Arthur Ochwada , during which it was agreed that a new political party should be formed. The meeting was attended by trade unionists and members of the splinter group of the NADC.
While Mboya rarely took part in the deliberations, there were strong indications that he was the dominant figure directing the activities of the ostensible organisers.
The inaugural meeting of the new party which was named ,the Nairobi People's Convention Party, was held on 12th May 1957 in the Desai Memorial Hall.
The office bearers of the new party who were unveiled by Arthur Ochwada at the meeting were: Mark Kaigwa as Chairman, Patrick Rogai Vice-Chairman, Moody Awori Secretary, William Githinji Vice Secretary, George Nthenge Treasurer, Alfred Akech Mingusa Vice-Treasurer, John Abuoga Propaganda Officer.Mboya officially joined the NPCP in March 1958, becoming its president.
Duke of Busia
Elder Lister
Tsengiu this is just the content I need big up warm down ya @Mwalimu-G
Duke of Busia
Elder Lister
@Meria @Mwalimu-G and all other stakeholders can someone point me to the direction ya kupata a certain Radio program that used to Air back in the days on KBC Swahili
It had a name like Ni nini kati yetu but am not sure. Well the protagonist was named Gilli and the character was voiced by Sammy muraya of KBC, the former sports anchor.@zappa do you copy
It had a name like Ni nini kati yetu but am not sure. Well the protagonist was named Gilli and the character was voiced by Sammy muraya of KBC, the former sports anchor.@zappa do you copy
Moi ujanja alianza kitambo... look how humble he looked... who would think he would ascend to power and be king for 24 yrs
Mwalimu-G
Elder Lister
Kasaman
Elder Lister
Nararashi ya karume investment