TBT 20rd Jan 20202
- Thread starter Meria
- Start date
CARTS IN KISUMU.
Technologies specific to Kisumu Asian and African cultural groups were distinguishable in the townships pioneer period. The fabrication of technology products of the pre-industrial Indian society was occasioned by the making of Indian carts for local transport work, which by 1913 had become an important business in Kisumu . Indian carts on their derivatives were used in virtually all aspects of transportation Tied to the use of water to power flourmills was another important pre-industrial technology input, i.e. the making of “gur,” the black jiggery from sugar cane.
The point to note here is that Afro-Asian political interaction was not achieved during this early colonial period in Kisumu. This is because Asians were not keen on local politics. Their major concern was about settlement in white highlands and recognition of their fundamental rights by the colonial government which culminated into the Devonshire Declaration of 1923 which declared the interest Africans paramount. The Asians were also keen on trade. The issue of segregation was more prominent in the urban parts of Nyanza with Kisumu being more affected. In Kisumu, both Asians and Africans attended separate schools. During the first decade of colonialism, Afro-Asian relations in schools were nonexistent because of the strong segregation policy which rendered Afro-Asian interaction and mixing impossible
Apart from the government and railway owned residential houses for the Asians in Kisumu, interaction between the Asians and Africans within the residential areas was also minimal. This is because the Asians stayed in isolated and well-fenced residences where Africans could not access.
This fencing of Asian premises was probably a security measure to protect themselves from perceived African attacks, a kind of African protest against their presence in some of these areas. The housing situation in Nyanza and especially Kisumu during the early colonial period 1900–1918, was generally not good since the Asian residences were very crowded. The same condition applied to the Indian landies (residential plots where railway employees and their families lived). A few plots in the Indian bazaar had been taken up by the Indians and new business premises erected. Two Indian residences were in the process of construction. Several other plots which were bought by the Indian community at the sale of plots were not yet developed. This was because of the money market and the high cost of building materials (KNA, PC/NZA/1/16, Annual Report 1920–21). Afro-Asian interaction which took place in the residential areas was therefore between Africans employed by Asians in their houses and also those Africans who went to buy goods from Asian shops which served as their places of work and residence.
below is the Asian cart which could transport mails and supplies to fort tenan or even Nakuru/ Nairobi in 1910 before the coming of cars and motor transport in years that followed.
Technologies specific to Kisumu Asian and African cultural groups were distinguishable in the townships pioneer period. The fabrication of technology products of the pre-industrial Indian society was occasioned by the making of Indian carts for local transport work, which by 1913 had become an important business in Kisumu . Indian carts on their derivatives were used in virtually all aspects of transportation Tied to the use of water to power flourmills was another important pre-industrial technology input, i.e. the making of “gur,” the black jiggery from sugar cane.
The point to note here is that Afro-Asian political interaction was not achieved during this early colonial period in Kisumu. This is because Asians were not keen on local politics. Their major concern was about settlement in white highlands and recognition of their fundamental rights by the colonial government which culminated into the Devonshire Declaration of 1923 which declared the interest Africans paramount. The Asians were also keen on trade. The issue of segregation was more prominent in the urban parts of Nyanza with Kisumu being more affected. In Kisumu, both Asians and Africans attended separate schools. During the first decade of colonialism, Afro-Asian relations in schools were nonexistent because of the strong segregation policy which rendered Afro-Asian interaction and mixing impossible
Apart from the government and railway owned residential houses for the Asians in Kisumu, interaction between the Asians and Africans within the residential areas was also minimal. This is because the Asians stayed in isolated and well-fenced residences where Africans could not access.
This fencing of Asian premises was probably a security measure to protect themselves from perceived African attacks, a kind of African protest against their presence in some of these areas. The housing situation in Nyanza and especially Kisumu during the early colonial period 1900–1918, was generally not good since the Asian residences were very crowded. The same condition applied to the Indian landies (residential plots where railway employees and their families lived). A few plots in the Indian bazaar had been taken up by the Indians and new business premises erected. Two Indian residences were in the process of construction. Several other plots which were bought by the Indian community at the sale of plots were not yet developed. This was because of the money market and the high cost of building materials (KNA, PC/NZA/1/16, Annual Report 1920–21). Afro-Asian interaction which took place in the residential areas was therefore between Africans employed by Asians in their houses and also those Africans who went to buy goods from Asian shops which served as their places of work and residence.
below is the Asian cart which could transport mails and supplies to fort tenan or even Nakuru/ Nairobi in 1910 before the coming of cars and motor transport in years that followed.
CHOGORIA NURSING STAFF IN 1940
“Miss J Clark Wilson & nurses 1940.” Group portrait of the matron, Miss Wilson, and nurses, two maternity ward nurses sit at the front. ❧ Miss Jean M Clark Wilson came to Chogoria in 1939, and was the hospitals first sister. She was the niece of Rev James Youngson, missionary at Kikuyu, and left Chogoria in 1942 to join the East African Military Nursing Service, she drowned when the troopship she was on was torpedoed. ❧ The image is from the first twenty years of the Chogoria mission in Kenya, which was run by the Rev. Dr Archibald Clive Irvine (1893-1974), from the collection entitled ‘Chogoria, glimpses into the past
“Miss J Clark Wilson & nurses 1940.” Group portrait of the matron, Miss Wilson, and nurses, two maternity ward nurses sit at the front. ❧ Miss Jean M Clark Wilson came to Chogoria in 1939, and was the hospitals first sister. She was the niece of Rev James Youngson, missionary at Kikuyu, and left Chogoria in 1942 to join the East African Military Nursing Service, she drowned when the troopship she was on was torpedoed. ❧ The image is from the first twenty years of the Chogoria mission in Kenya, which was run by the Rev. Dr Archibald Clive Irvine (1893-1974), from the collection entitled ‘Chogoria, glimpses into the past
1947: MOMBASA GENERAL STRIKE
In 1947 the city of Mombasa was paralysed by a general strike by its black African workforce in an attempt to end pay disparities, especially along colour lines.
15,000 workers strike, win wage increases in Mombasa, Kenya Colony January 1947
Goals:
Equal wages for all races, respect for African workers, allowances for wives and children, and wages that reflect acknowledgement of the high cost of living
In 1945 Kenya was a colony of Great Britain. Workers were paid low wages and a wave of complaints led to threats of a strike. The British created the Phillips Committee to investigate the workers’ complaints. Forming the committee pacified the workers for a time, but by the end of 1946, workers in Mombasa were upset with the lack of change.
In December 1946, workers held mass meetings, rumors spread about a potential strike, and government officials attempted to prevent action. On 7 January 1947, 3,000 workers met to organize a strike and on 13 January 1947, 15,000 workers declared a general strike. Three fourths of the labor force did not show up to work, paralyzing Mombasa.
The workers involved in the strike included government workers, railroad workers, hotel workers, domestic servants, 4,000 dockworkers (dockers), and many others. Taxi drivers went around the city spreading word of the strike and urging others to participate.
The government immediately declared the strike illegal, citing the Defense Regulations, which made it necessary for the port at Mombasa to stay open, as it was the only major access site to Kenya Colony and Uganda, then known as the Uganda Protectorate.
Government threats did not stop workers. Every day strikers met at a soccer field to organize. On 14 January 1947, 10,000 workers showed up to the daily meeting, which was run with no official leader, giving everyone an opportunity to speak.
Soon the meetings resulted in the formation of the African Workers’ Union. The people appointed 12 executive committee members. Though Mohamed Kibwana was declared president, his role in the strike is unclear. It was Chege Kibachia who played a major role in leading the workers and the African Workers’ Union.
On 15 January 1947, government officials arrested 421 strikers, but few returned to work.
People continued meeting. Kibachia addressed the crowds and urged them to refrain from violence, regardless of the race of the person they were in conflict with. During the strike no one died and no one was injured. It should be noted that intimidation was used when barbers shaved the heads of 12 strikebreakers into strange shapes before a large crowd.
One man, Henry Gibson Shadrack Harrison, Assistant of Municipal African Affairs claimed that he witnessed strike workers harassing people who were not striking to keep them from working. Though this event does not follow the pattern of nonviolence, leaders kept to their nonviolent position. The complete lack of reported injuries and deaths make it appear unlikely that violence played a major role in the strike.
On 18 January 1947, Chege Kibachia published an article stating the motives of the strikers in the East African Standard. Reasons included worker’s perceptions that employers gave unequal payment to workers of different races and that they were partial to certain workers and disrespectful towards African workers. They felt that employers intentionally kept Africans poor to keep them from leaving their jobs, and were not pleased that workers did not receive wives and children “allowances.” Additionally, they felt employers were not taking into consideration the current high cost of living in Mombasa.
On 21 January 1947, Kibachia went in search of his former classmate, E.W. Mathu, the first African on the legislative council in Kenya. During this time, government officials tried threatening the strikers with legal action. Less than 200 workers broke strike.
While Kibachia continued his search, Mathu arrived in Mombasa. Government officials had sent him to end the strike. On 23 January 1947, Mathu met with groups of government officials and groups of strikers before speaking to the people on 24 January 1947.
At 11:30 he spoke to the people about changing the name of the African Workers’ Union to the African Workers’ Federation in order to keep the group separate from the Kenya African Union. When he spoke again at 4 pm, he promised to gain improvements in working conditions within three months if the people would end their strike.
The people agreed and on 25 January 1947, all workers returned to their jobs.
In keeping with the promises Mathu made to the people, government officials formed the Thacker Tribunal and appointed a sociological surveyor to review the sociological and economic conditions in Mombasa.
At the end of March, these two parties recommended a wage increase of 20-40% for casual and monthly workers. Government officials met this recommendation. Employees were also given housing allowances, paid holidays, paid overtime and the Tribunal gave workers of at least five years a higher minimum wage.
The African Workers’ Federation continued to hold weekly meetings and attempted to mobilize a second strike because they were dissatisfied with the changes brought by the Thacker Tribunal. They never succeeded and support for the union dwindled.
For 12 days, Mombasa was almost completely paralyzed by a general strike of about three fourths of the cities’ workers. Government officials responded and success was gathered both in terms of wages and benefits. But the strike ended before many issues were addressed.
The Mombasa workers were influenced by previous strikes in the Kenya Colony as well as a recent dock workers' strike in Durban, South Africa . The strike influenced later strikes across Kenya, Zanzibar, and other areas in East Africa .below the kilindini port in 1947
In 1947 the city of Mombasa was paralysed by a general strike by its black African workforce in an attempt to end pay disparities, especially along colour lines.
15,000 workers strike, win wage increases in Mombasa, Kenya Colony January 1947
Goals:
Equal wages for all races, respect for African workers, allowances for wives and children, and wages that reflect acknowledgement of the high cost of living
In 1945 Kenya was a colony of Great Britain. Workers were paid low wages and a wave of complaints led to threats of a strike. The British created the Phillips Committee to investigate the workers’ complaints. Forming the committee pacified the workers for a time, but by the end of 1946, workers in Mombasa were upset with the lack of change.
In December 1946, workers held mass meetings, rumors spread about a potential strike, and government officials attempted to prevent action. On 7 January 1947, 3,000 workers met to organize a strike and on 13 January 1947, 15,000 workers declared a general strike. Three fourths of the labor force did not show up to work, paralyzing Mombasa.
The workers involved in the strike included government workers, railroad workers, hotel workers, domestic servants, 4,000 dockworkers (dockers), and many others. Taxi drivers went around the city spreading word of the strike and urging others to participate.
The government immediately declared the strike illegal, citing the Defense Regulations, which made it necessary for the port at Mombasa to stay open, as it was the only major access site to Kenya Colony and Uganda, then known as the Uganda Protectorate.
Government threats did not stop workers. Every day strikers met at a soccer field to organize. On 14 January 1947, 10,000 workers showed up to the daily meeting, which was run with no official leader, giving everyone an opportunity to speak.
Soon the meetings resulted in the formation of the African Workers’ Union. The people appointed 12 executive committee members. Though Mohamed Kibwana was declared president, his role in the strike is unclear. It was Chege Kibachia who played a major role in leading the workers and the African Workers’ Union.
On 15 January 1947, government officials arrested 421 strikers, but few returned to work.
People continued meeting. Kibachia addressed the crowds and urged them to refrain from violence, regardless of the race of the person they were in conflict with. During the strike no one died and no one was injured. It should be noted that intimidation was used when barbers shaved the heads of 12 strikebreakers into strange shapes before a large crowd.
One man, Henry Gibson Shadrack Harrison, Assistant of Municipal African Affairs claimed that he witnessed strike workers harassing people who were not striking to keep them from working. Though this event does not follow the pattern of nonviolence, leaders kept to their nonviolent position. The complete lack of reported injuries and deaths make it appear unlikely that violence played a major role in the strike.
On 18 January 1947, Chege Kibachia published an article stating the motives of the strikers in the East African Standard. Reasons included worker’s perceptions that employers gave unequal payment to workers of different races and that they were partial to certain workers and disrespectful towards African workers. They felt that employers intentionally kept Africans poor to keep them from leaving their jobs, and were not pleased that workers did not receive wives and children “allowances.” Additionally, they felt employers were not taking into consideration the current high cost of living in Mombasa.
On 21 January 1947, Kibachia went in search of his former classmate, E.W. Mathu, the first African on the legislative council in Kenya. During this time, government officials tried threatening the strikers with legal action. Less than 200 workers broke strike.
While Kibachia continued his search, Mathu arrived in Mombasa. Government officials had sent him to end the strike. On 23 January 1947, Mathu met with groups of government officials and groups of strikers before speaking to the people on 24 January 1947.
At 11:30 he spoke to the people about changing the name of the African Workers’ Union to the African Workers’ Federation in order to keep the group separate from the Kenya African Union. When he spoke again at 4 pm, he promised to gain improvements in working conditions within three months if the people would end their strike.
The people agreed and on 25 January 1947, all workers returned to their jobs.
In keeping with the promises Mathu made to the people, government officials formed the Thacker Tribunal and appointed a sociological surveyor to review the sociological and economic conditions in Mombasa.
At the end of March, these two parties recommended a wage increase of 20-40% for casual and monthly workers. Government officials met this recommendation. Employees were also given housing allowances, paid holidays, paid overtime and the Tribunal gave workers of at least five years a higher minimum wage.
The African Workers’ Federation continued to hold weekly meetings and attempted to mobilize a second strike because they were dissatisfied with the changes brought by the Thacker Tribunal. They never succeeded and support for the union dwindled.
For 12 days, Mombasa was almost completely paralyzed by a general strike of about three fourths of the cities’ workers. Government officials responded and success was gathered both in terms of wages and benefits. But the strike ended before many issues were addressed.
The Mombasa workers were influenced by previous strikes in the Kenya Colony as well as a recent dock workers' strike in Durban, South Africa . The strike influenced later strikes across Kenya, Zanzibar, and other areas in East Africa .below the kilindini port in 1947
Pio Gama Pinto was born in Nairobi to immigrant parents of Goan origin on 31 March 1927. Pinto studied in India between 1938 and 1947. He worked briefly in the army and telegrams office in India before going back to Kenya in 1949. He married Emma Pinto on 9 January 1954. They have three daughters, Linda, Malusha and Tereshka. Pio was assassinated on 24 February 1965 at the age of 38.
Pio’s Global Connections
The title “Global Patriot” aptly describes Pio since he was globally connected and always involved in fighting for social injustice. At an early age of 17, he started an agitation in Bombay where he had gone to study, to liberate Goans from Portuguese colonialist. His activism necessitated his return to Kenya, in 1949, to escape the Portuguese dragnet. He continued his liberation efforts in Nairobi. Conscious of the travails that the Kenyan people were being exposed to by British colonialists, he, together with Kenyan nationalists Joseph Murumbi and Walter Odede, formed Kenya African Union (KAU). It would metamorphose into KANU – and, later, usher Kenya to independence.
Pio chose jobs strategically to get opportunities to interact with global citizens and voice his socialist ideologies. In his short career, he worked as a clerk, journalist, radio presenter, editor, trade union advisor, elections campaign chairman, MP, and specially elected MP to represent East Africa. In Bombay, Pio worked with the army, left, joined the Posts and Telegraphs Company and participated in a general strike. Here, his mobilization to mass action started manifesting. With his name tainted, he came back to Kenya. He first worked as a clerical officer before joining Peter Wright and other Indians to found the East African Indian Congress in 1951. Wright would later be deported to India. In 1952, Pio resigned from the Congress post and worked as an editor in Daily Chronicles – a Correspondent of the Press Trust as well as All Indian Radio.
When Kenyan freedom fighters were jailed in Kapenguria, Pio maintained close liaison with British MPs. He kept them posted about the atrocities happening in Kenya. Evidence of this exists in his personal letters to British MP Fenner Brockway, addressing issues ranging from concerns affecting Indians in East Africa to colonial mistreatments in Kenya to need for consolidation of efforts in Africa to fight for independence. Some of the letters were written on the following dates: 10.3.1952, 8.4.1952, 12.1.1953, 14.2.1953, 18.1.1953, 26.1.1953.
Pio agitated for recovery of African land. Dr FRS De Souza highlights the request made by the Royal Commission on Land to substantiate his arguments about land issues in Kenya in the Daily Chronicles. Since all leaders were in detention, Pio resigned from his job and for three months read through the Carter Commission Report and other documents, took statements from Kikuyu elders, wrote and personally typed a 200-page Kikuyu Tribe’s Memoranda. The same was sent to Kenyatta in Lodwar for onward transmission to the Royal Commission on Land in London. Further, Pio established a Goan vernacular paper in Nairobi, The Uzwod, to enable the uneducated Goans in Goa to overcome propaganda by Portuguese which was misleading people into believing that all Goans supported the regime.
During the first Lancaster House Conference in 1960, Pio helped to form the Kenya Freedom Party and worked as its Assistant Secretary until it was dissolved when KANU allowed non-Africans to join. On 24 April 1954, the Colonial government launched Operation Anvil in Nairobi. Pio, the editor-in-chief of the Pro-MAUMAU paper The High Command was arrested in June and imprisoned in Manda Island without trial. He spent four years with MAUMAU detainees. Between early 1958 and October 1959, Pio was kept in restriction in Kabarnet. He remains the only Asian arrested for fighting for Kenyan independence. Fighters used Pio as their go-between. He approached the government of India via its acting high commissioner RK Tandau, suggesting that the question of negotiations be taken to the colonial office – the highest level.
Focus on India
Smelling independence in Kenya, Pio focused on India. In 1960, he formed East African Goa League. Through it, Pandit Nehru would be convinced to organize an international seminar on Portuguese colonies. This followed an eloquent speech by Tom Mboya, the Secretary General of KANU, after attending a conference on Goa in New Delhi together with Hon. Mwinga Chokwe. There followed an international seminar attended by, among others, Zambia’s Kenneth Kaunda, Nsilo Swai and Pio. A few months later, Goa was liberated by the Indian Army. Consequently, Pio travelled to New Delhi to discuss Goa with the Indian government and asked Nehru for assistance to start a nationalist newspaper in Kenya. He secured funds to begin PAN AFRICAN PRESS LTD, the publisher of Sauti ya Mwafrika, Pan Africa, and Nyanza Times.
Having helped the Goans, his attention shifted to Mozambique. Pio, together with Chokwe, formed the Mozambique African National Union in Mombasa in 1962. Although it was later banned by British Government, the contacts established helped Pio to work closely with FRELIMO and the OAU Committee of Nine members. He frequently visited Tanzania to assist. Weeks before he was assassinated, he had informed De Souza of his intention to resign from parliament and retire to either Mtwara or Lindi to assist the freedom fighters actively.
Trade unions and parliament
Pio, together with other nationalists Makhan Singh, Chege Kubachia, Fred Kubai and Aggrey Minya, fathered trade unions in Kenya, by forming the East African Trade Union. Dennis Akumu, a long serving Deputy Secretary, Central Organization of Trade Unions praises Pio for helping them to regain a relationship with Brother John Tettegah of Ghana Trade Union Congress as the Secretary General of the All African Trade Unions Federation. His global connection thus spills to unions.
For a short time, Pio served in Parliament, in 1963 as an elected member of Legislative Council and 1964 as speciality elected member of the house of the representatives. He was assassinated on 24 February 1965 for allegedly engaging the then-president Kenyatta in a shouting match over sessional paper no. 10 which virtually legalised capitalism in Kenya. Although two people were arrested, only one, Kisilu Mutua, was put in custody for 35 years until he was released through presidential amnesty. He maintained his innocence and insisted he was a scapegoat. Shiraz Durrani maintains that Pio’s death was initiated by capitalists in Kenya and the imperialists who were still managing the newly independent Kenya, to whom Pio was a threat.
A story is told of Pio Gama Pinto, a young Goan freedom fighter and later a notable political figure who threatened to deal with founding president Jomo Kenyatta after a scuffle.
According to Kenyatta's lawyer Fitz De Souza, the verbal fight ensued on the grounds, not the parliament where Pinto even, allegedly, shouted "I will fix you," to Kenyatta.
Fitz in his book titled 'Forward to Independence' says this was not the first time the young man was facing off with the rather elderly Kenyatta, though he was his supporter on matters leadership.
He says that he severally attempted to warn the young Goan against his exchanges with Kenyatta, then not yet the president, as having been close to him, he knew his might.
“I reminded Pio of Kenyatta’s strength, of the sacrifices and struggles he had made and his firm belief that the fruits of independence should be his," reads part of the book quoted by Daily Nation.
Fitz says that the young freedom fighter was stubborn, suggesting that this might have been the reason behind his murder a while later after he was shot by a man named Ndegwa.
He says that Pio claimed that he was fighting against land grabbers, one of whom Kenyatta was. He was aware of his looming assassination, before it actually came, and had been hiding in Mombasa before a cop named Ndegwa came to inquire if he was home and told about it, Pio knew that his time had come.
"Cheche acted as Pio’s bodyguard, and it was said would die for him. When Pio was told about the caller, he said he knew who Ndegwa was and that he was trying to organise to kill him," says Fitz, also a Goan.
Pio was later assassinated on February 25, 1965, only a year after Kenyatta took over as the President of the independent Kenya.
He was assassinated outside his house.
Pio’s Global Connections
The title “Global Patriot” aptly describes Pio since he was globally connected and always involved in fighting for social injustice. At an early age of 17, he started an agitation in Bombay where he had gone to study, to liberate Goans from Portuguese colonialist. His activism necessitated his return to Kenya, in 1949, to escape the Portuguese dragnet. He continued his liberation efforts in Nairobi. Conscious of the travails that the Kenyan people were being exposed to by British colonialists, he, together with Kenyan nationalists Joseph Murumbi and Walter Odede, formed Kenya African Union (KAU). It would metamorphose into KANU – and, later, usher Kenya to independence.
Pio chose jobs strategically to get opportunities to interact with global citizens and voice his socialist ideologies. In his short career, he worked as a clerk, journalist, radio presenter, editor, trade union advisor, elections campaign chairman, MP, and specially elected MP to represent East Africa. In Bombay, Pio worked with the army, left, joined the Posts and Telegraphs Company and participated in a general strike. Here, his mobilization to mass action started manifesting. With his name tainted, he came back to Kenya. He first worked as a clerical officer before joining Peter Wright and other Indians to found the East African Indian Congress in 1951. Wright would later be deported to India. In 1952, Pio resigned from the Congress post and worked as an editor in Daily Chronicles – a Correspondent of the Press Trust as well as All Indian Radio.
When Kenyan freedom fighters were jailed in Kapenguria, Pio maintained close liaison with British MPs. He kept them posted about the atrocities happening in Kenya. Evidence of this exists in his personal letters to British MP Fenner Brockway, addressing issues ranging from concerns affecting Indians in East Africa to colonial mistreatments in Kenya to need for consolidation of efforts in Africa to fight for independence. Some of the letters were written on the following dates: 10.3.1952, 8.4.1952, 12.1.1953, 14.2.1953, 18.1.1953, 26.1.1953.
Pio agitated for recovery of African land. Dr FRS De Souza highlights the request made by the Royal Commission on Land to substantiate his arguments about land issues in Kenya in the Daily Chronicles. Since all leaders were in detention, Pio resigned from his job and for three months read through the Carter Commission Report and other documents, took statements from Kikuyu elders, wrote and personally typed a 200-page Kikuyu Tribe’s Memoranda. The same was sent to Kenyatta in Lodwar for onward transmission to the Royal Commission on Land in London. Further, Pio established a Goan vernacular paper in Nairobi, The Uzwod, to enable the uneducated Goans in Goa to overcome propaganda by Portuguese which was misleading people into believing that all Goans supported the regime.
During the first Lancaster House Conference in 1960, Pio helped to form the Kenya Freedom Party and worked as its Assistant Secretary until it was dissolved when KANU allowed non-Africans to join. On 24 April 1954, the Colonial government launched Operation Anvil in Nairobi. Pio, the editor-in-chief of the Pro-MAUMAU paper The High Command was arrested in June and imprisoned in Manda Island without trial. He spent four years with MAUMAU detainees. Between early 1958 and October 1959, Pio was kept in restriction in Kabarnet. He remains the only Asian arrested for fighting for Kenyan independence. Fighters used Pio as their go-between. He approached the government of India via its acting high commissioner RK Tandau, suggesting that the question of negotiations be taken to the colonial office – the highest level.
Focus on India
Smelling independence in Kenya, Pio focused on India. In 1960, he formed East African Goa League. Through it, Pandit Nehru would be convinced to organize an international seminar on Portuguese colonies. This followed an eloquent speech by Tom Mboya, the Secretary General of KANU, after attending a conference on Goa in New Delhi together with Hon. Mwinga Chokwe. There followed an international seminar attended by, among others, Zambia’s Kenneth Kaunda, Nsilo Swai and Pio. A few months later, Goa was liberated by the Indian Army. Consequently, Pio travelled to New Delhi to discuss Goa with the Indian government and asked Nehru for assistance to start a nationalist newspaper in Kenya. He secured funds to begin PAN AFRICAN PRESS LTD, the publisher of Sauti ya Mwafrika, Pan Africa, and Nyanza Times.
Having helped the Goans, his attention shifted to Mozambique. Pio, together with Chokwe, formed the Mozambique African National Union in Mombasa in 1962. Although it was later banned by British Government, the contacts established helped Pio to work closely with FRELIMO and the OAU Committee of Nine members. He frequently visited Tanzania to assist. Weeks before he was assassinated, he had informed De Souza of his intention to resign from parliament and retire to either Mtwara or Lindi to assist the freedom fighters actively.
Trade unions and parliament
Pio, together with other nationalists Makhan Singh, Chege Kubachia, Fred Kubai and Aggrey Minya, fathered trade unions in Kenya, by forming the East African Trade Union. Dennis Akumu, a long serving Deputy Secretary, Central Organization of Trade Unions praises Pio for helping them to regain a relationship with Brother John Tettegah of Ghana Trade Union Congress as the Secretary General of the All African Trade Unions Federation. His global connection thus spills to unions.
For a short time, Pio served in Parliament, in 1963 as an elected member of Legislative Council and 1964 as speciality elected member of the house of the representatives. He was assassinated on 24 February 1965 for allegedly engaging the then-president Kenyatta in a shouting match over sessional paper no. 10 which virtually legalised capitalism in Kenya. Although two people were arrested, only one, Kisilu Mutua, was put in custody for 35 years until he was released through presidential amnesty. He maintained his innocence and insisted he was a scapegoat. Shiraz Durrani maintains that Pio’s death was initiated by capitalists in Kenya and the imperialists who were still managing the newly independent Kenya, to whom Pio was a threat.
A story is told of Pio Gama Pinto, a young Goan freedom fighter and later a notable political figure who threatened to deal with founding president Jomo Kenyatta after a scuffle.
According to Kenyatta's lawyer Fitz De Souza, the verbal fight ensued on the grounds, not the parliament where Pinto even, allegedly, shouted "I will fix you," to Kenyatta.
Fitz in his book titled 'Forward to Independence' says this was not the first time the young man was facing off with the rather elderly Kenyatta, though he was his supporter on matters leadership.
He says that he severally attempted to warn the young Goan against his exchanges with Kenyatta, then not yet the president, as having been close to him, he knew his might.
“I reminded Pio of Kenyatta’s strength, of the sacrifices and struggles he had made and his firm belief that the fruits of independence should be his," reads part of the book quoted by Daily Nation.
Fitz says that the young freedom fighter was stubborn, suggesting that this might have been the reason behind his murder a while later after he was shot by a man named Ndegwa.
He says that Pio claimed that he was fighting against land grabbers, one of whom Kenyatta was. He was aware of his looming assassination, before it actually came, and had been hiding in Mombasa before a cop named Ndegwa came to inquire if he was home and told about it, Pio knew that his time had come.
"Cheche acted as Pio’s bodyguard, and it was said would die for him. When Pio was told about the caller, he said he knew who Ndegwa was and that he was trying to organise to kill him," says Fitz, also a Goan.
Pio was later assassinated on February 25, 1965, only a year after Kenyatta took over as the President of the independent Kenya.
He was assassinated outside his house.
Curly kit,The crave of the 80s then came the skin lightening creams.
@Field Marshal had curls in 84 akiwa UON
@Field Marshal had curls in 84 akiwa UON
It's Me Scumbag
Elder Lister
Early 80s nilivaa Moccasin za sandak. had several pairs in different colors.
kuchomeka mguu nayo jua ikiwaka
Limuru’s Buxton Train Tunnel is the second Longest in Kenya
Limuru is a place of many intriguing historical gems. From being at the centre of Kenya’s rich tea history to its place in the Happy Valley saga when colonial slay queens and kings reigned supreme, Limuru is a definite bucket-list destination.
Back in days now gone by, Limuru’s infamous donkey dung infested streets earned it the title of Kenya’s donkey capital. Actually, its name is a corrupted version of the Maasai word, *"ilmur," which means donkey dung!
In case you are wondering, Limuru still is the unchallenged home of the Bata Shoe Company, the pre-world war shoe behemoth which traces its humble origins to the small town of Zlín in southeastern Moravia, which today is part of the Czech Republic.
You might also be interested to know that somewhere in this farming countryside lies a coffee farm that once belonged to Harry Adamson, George Adamson‘s father.
Yes, the one and only George Adamson of the Born Free fame who came to bear the banner of Bwana Simba, father of lions. Harry was initially destined for South Africa from India, but he never left when he arrived in Kenya!
This former white highland destination also has bragging rights to the title of one of the coldest places in Kenya. But you already knew that! You may not know that in Limuru exists the longest train tunnel in Kenya, the Buxton Tunnel.
This infamous tunnel, finished in the 1940s, is part of the legendary Lunatic Express, itself completed in 1901. The reason being, the metre-gauge Lunatic Express has had several shifts since its completion over a century ago. One of these shifts happens to be the Buxton Tunnel.
At one point, its notoriety as a crime scene, including murders, made the 1.7 KM Buxton Tunnel lose its fascination as a colonial marvel. The tunnel instead became a place of horror where everyone except the trains that plied this route avoided.
Limuru is a place of many intriguing historical gems. From being at the centre of Kenya’s rich tea history to its place in the Happy Valley saga when colonial slay queens and kings reigned supreme, Limuru is a definite bucket-list destination.
Back in days now gone by, Limuru’s infamous donkey dung infested streets earned it the title of Kenya’s donkey capital. Actually, its name is a corrupted version of the Maasai word, *"ilmur," which means donkey dung!
In case you are wondering, Limuru still is the unchallenged home of the Bata Shoe Company, the pre-world war shoe behemoth which traces its humble origins to the small town of Zlín in southeastern Moravia, which today is part of the Czech Republic.
You might also be interested to know that somewhere in this farming countryside lies a coffee farm that once belonged to Harry Adamson, George Adamson‘s father.
Yes, the one and only George Adamson of the Born Free fame who came to bear the banner of Bwana Simba, father of lions. Harry was initially destined for South Africa from India, but he never left when he arrived in Kenya!
This former white highland destination also has bragging rights to the title of one of the coldest places in Kenya. But you already knew that! You may not know that in Limuru exists the longest train tunnel in Kenya, the Buxton Tunnel.
This infamous tunnel, finished in the 1940s, is part of the legendary Lunatic Express, itself completed in 1901. The reason being, the metre-gauge Lunatic Express has had several shifts since its completion over a century ago. One of these shifts happens to be the Buxton Tunnel.
At one point, its notoriety as a crime scene, including murders, made the 1.7 KM Buxton Tunnel lose its fascination as a colonial marvel. The tunnel instead became a place of horror where everyone except the trains that plied this route avoided.
do you remember this old therapy for congested chest,mild asmatic illness,blocked nose,and fever curing which was used in our olden days.
Basil is a decongestant, making it a great herb for steam inhalation if you're congested.
Steam therapy is a common non-pharmacologic treatment to help clear mucus and open up the nasal passages, throat, and lungs.
Warm steam inhalation before bedtime may also help relax and increase deep sleep and improve quality for people with mild sleep issues and anxiety.
Thyme, mint, eucalyptus, basil, and rosemary can all add to the benefits of herbal steam therapy.
Steam inhalation, also known as steam therapy, has been around since ancient times. The Egyptians were the first known users of inhalation therapy and often included dry plants and minerals in their preparations.
Today, steam therapy is still a common non-pharmacologic treatment to help clear mucus and open up the nasal passages, throat, and lungs.
There are several ways to inhale steam, which is created by boiling water with various herbs and then breathing in the steam it releases. Learn more about steam inhalation and which herbs are best for a variety of ailments
huyu ni @QuadroK4000
Basil is a decongestant, making it a great herb for steam inhalation if you're congested.
Steam therapy is a common non-pharmacologic treatment to help clear mucus and open up the nasal passages, throat, and lungs.
Warm steam inhalation before bedtime may also help relax and increase deep sleep and improve quality for people with mild sleep issues and anxiety.
Thyme, mint, eucalyptus, basil, and rosemary can all add to the benefits of herbal steam therapy.
Steam inhalation, also known as steam therapy, has been around since ancient times. The Egyptians were the first known users of inhalation therapy and often included dry plants and minerals in their preparations.
Today, steam therapy is still a common non-pharmacologic treatment to help clear mucus and open up the nasal passages, throat, and lungs.
There are several ways to inhale steam, which is created by boiling water with various herbs and then breathing in the steam it releases. Learn more about steam inhalation and which herbs are best for a variety of ailments
huyu ni @QuadroK4000
NAIROBI 1899 VS 2021
The name comes from the Maasai phrase "Enkare Nyairopi," which translates to "cool waters", a reference to the Nairobi River which flows through the city. The city proper had a population of 4,397,073 in the 2019 census, while the metropolitan area has a population of 9,354,580. The city is popularly referred to as the Green City in the Sun.
In 1898, Arthur Church was commissioned to design the first town layout for the railway depot. It constituted two streets – Victoria Street and Station Street, ten avenues, staff quarters and an Indian commercial area. The railway arrived at Nairobi on 30 May 1899, and soon Nairobi replaced Machakos as the headquarters of the provincial administration for Ukamba province. On the arrival of the railway, Whitehouse remarked that "Nairobi itself will in the course of the next two years become a large and flourishing place and already there are many applications for sites for hotels, shops and houses.The town's early years were however beset with problems of malaria leading to at least one attempt to have the town moved. In the early 1900s, Bazaar Street (now Biashara Street) was completely rebuilt after an outbreak of plague and the burning of the original town.
Between 1902 and 1910, the town's population rose from 5,000 to 16,000 and grew around administration and tourism, initially in the form of big game hunting. In 1907, Nairobi replaced Mombasa as the capital of the East Africa Protectorate. In 1908, a further outbreak of the plague led to Europeans concluding that the cause was unhygienic conditions in the Indian Bazaar. The government responded by restricting lower class Indians and African natives to specific quarters for residence and trade setting a precedent for racial segregation in the commercial sphere.By the outset of the First World War, Nairobi was well established as a European settler colony through immigration and land alienation. In 1919, Nairobi was declared to be a municipality
The name comes from the Maasai phrase "Enkare Nyairopi," which translates to "cool waters", a reference to the Nairobi River which flows through the city. The city proper had a population of 4,397,073 in the 2019 census, while the metropolitan area has a population of 9,354,580. The city is popularly referred to as the Green City in the Sun.
In 1898, Arthur Church was commissioned to design the first town layout for the railway depot. It constituted two streets – Victoria Street and Station Street, ten avenues, staff quarters and an Indian commercial area. The railway arrived at Nairobi on 30 May 1899, and soon Nairobi replaced Machakos as the headquarters of the provincial administration for Ukamba province. On the arrival of the railway, Whitehouse remarked that "Nairobi itself will in the course of the next two years become a large and flourishing place and already there are many applications for sites for hotels, shops and houses.The town's early years were however beset with problems of malaria leading to at least one attempt to have the town moved. In the early 1900s, Bazaar Street (now Biashara Street) was completely rebuilt after an outbreak of plague and the burning of the original town.
Between 1902 and 1910, the town's population rose from 5,000 to 16,000 and grew around administration and tourism, initially in the form of big game hunting. In 1907, Nairobi replaced Mombasa as the capital of the East Africa Protectorate. In 1908, a further outbreak of the plague led to Europeans concluding that the cause was unhygienic conditions in the Indian Bazaar. The government responded by restricting lower class Indians and African natives to specific quarters for residence and trade setting a precedent for racial segregation in the commercial sphere.By the outset of the First World War, Nairobi was well established as a European settler colony through immigration and land alienation. In 1919, Nairobi was declared to be a municipality
GOVERNMENT HOUSE(STATEHOUSE)
Before the construction of Government House in Nairobi, the first Governor's residence was at Government House, Mombasa, constructed in 1879. Government House in Nairobi, now State House, was built in 1907 in Nairobi to serve as the official residence of the Governor of British East Africa, when Kenya was a colony within the British Empire. The Governor would conduct his official functions at the old Provincial Commissioner's office (now a national monument) next to Nyayo House and then retire to Government House for the day. It was designed by the British architect Sir Herbert Baker.
After independence, Government House was renamed State House. Although it remained the official residence of the Head of State, in practice it became an administrative or operational office occasionally providing accommodation to visiting state guests and receptions on National Days. This scenario has prevailed to-date with the late Mzee Jomo Kenyatta and President Moi preferring private residences as opposed to living in State House.
Princess Elizabeth at Government House in British Kenya
Before the construction of Government House in Nairobi, the first Governor's residence was at Government House, Mombasa, constructed in 1879. Government House in Nairobi, now State House, was built in 1907 in Nairobi to serve as the official residence of the Governor of British East Africa, when Kenya was a colony within the British Empire. The Governor would conduct his official functions at the old Provincial Commissioner's office (now a national monument) next to Nyayo House and then retire to Government House for the day. It was designed by the British architect Sir Herbert Baker.
After independence, Government House was renamed State House. Although it remained the official residence of the Head of State, in practice it became an administrative or operational office occasionally providing accommodation to visiting state guests and receptions on National Days. This scenario has prevailed to-date with the late Mzee Jomo Kenyatta and President Moi preferring private residences as opposed to living in State House.
Princess Elizabeth at Government House in British Kenya
Government Road 1971: Photo taken at corner of Indian Bazaar Street looking along Government Road towards Ambassadeur Hotel in the far background. Princess House (Sans Chique Restaurant) is on the left (on top of the Indian gentleman’s head). The three buildings clearly seen on the right beyond the bus stop are presumed demolished and no longer there by 2012 , when photographed all the buildings currently situated there look different
QuadroK4000
Elder Lister
Mia hau
Kasaman
Elder Lister
Kicomi shirt. bellbottom , Bata bullets , or platforms !