How many of you know of a coup attempt in 1971
The 1971, coup attempt was organised in threefold . At the top were the elites such as the Chief of General staff, the Chief Justice and Cabinet ministers who were capable of directing instruments of national power.
They gave the plot their blessings but took a dormant position waiting for the opportune time.
At the bottom were commissioned military officers who were to formulate and implement the takeover strategy.
In the middle were intellectuals, trade unionists who were tasked with raising funds and seeking international support. They were mostly people who had connections with Mboya.
Among them were Gideon Mutiso who had served as Mboya's deputy in KFL, Oyangi Mbaja who had served as Mboya's propaganda Secretary in the NPCP, Dennis Akumu who had worked with Mboya in the KFL and as an organiser in the NPCP, Jesse Mwangi Gachago who had also worked as Mboya's deputy in the KFL and Dr Pius Muga.
The fact that this was happening in the aftermath of Mboya's assassination and being that the organisers were his allies and soldiers from his backyard of South Nyanza, gave the plot a "Mboya element."
Towards the end of 1970 Mutiso had written to Irving Brown an American trade unionist with strong CIA connections , informing him about the plot and requesting him for funds.
Brown who was the founding executive director of AFL-CIO's African American Labour Centre was a great friend of Mboya and had funded most of his political and trade union activities. Together with Lovestone they had been accused of aiding the CIA in the Guyana coup.
His friendship with Mboya was so much resented by the Gatundu group that when US Vice President Hubert Humphrey included him in his delegation to Kenya in 1968, the US ambassador under pressure from the Gatundu group wrote to Humphrey advising him against the idea. Humphrey ignored the advice after consulting the AFL-CIO and travelled to Kenya with Brown.
But with regards to Mutiso's 1970 letter asking for funds for the coup, he refused to reply.
Meanwhile Professor Pius Muga who was tasked with soliciting support from regional leaders approached Julius Nyerere and asked for his backing.
According to DPP Charles Karugu who prosecuted the case against the plotters, Nyerere replied:
"Not against Mzee's government. If it was Malawi I would think about it. But not Kenya, and definitely not while Mzee is still alive."
Unfortunately the plot was discovered before it could materialise. The elites were relieved of their duties without being charged, while the military officers, intellectuals, trade unionists and politicians were sentenced to between 7 and 10 years in prison.
Jesse Mwangi who survived would later be arrested and jailed under trumped up charges of smuggling coffee. When he was released Njonjo warned him to stop linking him with the murder of Mboya since that was the reason of his jailing.
Although Kenyatta downplayed the plot terming as "noise of a frog", warning shots had been fired.
The 1971, coup attempt was organised in threefold . At the top were the elites such as the Chief of General staff, the Chief Justice and Cabinet ministers who were capable of directing instruments of national power.
They gave the plot their blessings but took a dormant position waiting for the opportune time.
At the bottom were commissioned military officers who were to formulate and implement the takeover strategy.
In the middle were intellectuals, trade unionists who were tasked with raising funds and seeking international support. They were mostly people who had connections with Mboya.
Among them were Gideon Mutiso who had served as Mboya's deputy in KFL, Oyangi Mbaja who had served as Mboya's propaganda Secretary in the NPCP, Dennis Akumu who had worked with Mboya in the KFL and as an organiser in the NPCP, Jesse Mwangi Gachago who had also worked as Mboya's deputy in the KFL and Dr Pius Muga.
The fact that this was happening in the aftermath of Mboya's assassination and being that the organisers were his allies and soldiers from his backyard of South Nyanza, gave the plot a "Mboya element."
Towards the end of 1970 Mutiso had written to Irving Brown an American trade unionist with strong CIA connections , informing him about the plot and requesting him for funds.
Brown who was the founding executive director of AFL-CIO's African American Labour Centre was a great friend of Mboya and had funded most of his political and trade union activities. Together with Lovestone they had been accused of aiding the CIA in the Guyana coup.
His friendship with Mboya was so much resented by the Gatundu group that when US Vice President Hubert Humphrey included him in his delegation to Kenya in 1968, the US ambassador under pressure from the Gatundu group wrote to Humphrey advising him against the idea. Humphrey ignored the advice after consulting the AFL-CIO and travelled to Kenya with Brown.
But with regards to Mutiso's 1970 letter asking for funds for the coup, he refused to reply.
Meanwhile Professor Pius Muga who was tasked with soliciting support from regional leaders approached Julius Nyerere and asked for his backing.
According to DPP Charles Karugu who prosecuted the case against the plotters, Nyerere replied:
"Not against Mzee's government. If it was Malawi I would think about it. But not Kenya, and definitely not while Mzee is still alive."
Unfortunately the plot was discovered before it could materialise. The elites were relieved of their duties without being charged, while the military officers, intellectuals, trade unionists and politicians were sentenced to between 7 and 10 years in prison.
Jesse Mwangi who survived would later be arrested and jailed under trumped up charges of smuggling coffee. When he was released Njonjo warned him to stop linking him with the murder of Mboya since that was the reason of his jailing.
Although Kenyatta downplayed the plot terming as "noise of a frog", warning shots had been fired.
